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The Voyage Of The Beagle

Chapter XI




Strait of Magellan.
Port Famine.
Ascent of Mount Tarn.
Edible fungus.
Great Seaweed.
Leave Tierra del Fuego.
Fruit-trees and productions of the southern coasts.
Height of snow-line on the Cordillera.
Descent of glaciers to the sea.
Icebergs formed.
Transportal of boulders.
Climate and productions of the Antarctic Islands.
Preservation of frozen carcasses.


In the end of May 1834 we entered for a second time the eastern
mouth of the Strait of Magellan. The country on both sides of this
part of the Strait consists of nearly level plains, like those of
Patagonia. Cape Negro, a little within the second Narrows, may be
considered as the point where the land begins to assume the marked
features of Tierra del Fuego. On the east coast, south of the
Strait, broken park-like scenery in a like manner connects these
two countries, which are opposed to each other in almost every
feature. It is truly surprising to find in a space of twenty miles
such a change in the landscape. If we take a rather greater
distance, as between Port Famine and Gregory Bay, that is about
sixty miles, the difference is still more wonderful. At the former
place we have rounded mountains concealed by impervious forests,
which are drenched with the rain brought by an endless succession
of gales; while at Cape Gregory there is a clear and bright blue
sky over the dry and sterile plains. The atmospheric currents,
although rapid, turbulent, and unconfined by any apparent limits,
yet seem to follow, like a river in its bed, a regularly determined
course. (11/1. The south-westerly breezes are generally very dry.
January 29th, being at anchor under Cape Gregory: a very hard gale
from west by south, clear sky with few cumuli; temperature 57
degrees, dew-point 36 degrees,–difference 21 degrees. On January
15th, at Port St. Julian: in the morning light winds with much
rain, followed by a very heavy squall with rain,–settled into
heavy gale with large cumuli,–cleared up, blowing very strong from
south-south-west. Temperature 60 degrees, dew-point 42
degrees,–difference 18 degrees.)

During our previous visit (in January), we had an interview at Cape
Gregory with the famous so-called gigantic Patagonians, who gave us
a cordial reception. Their height appears greater than it really
is, from their large guanaco mantles, their long flowing hair, and
general figure: on an average their height is about six feet, with
some men taller and only a few shorter; and the women are also
tall; altogether they are certainly the tallest race which we
anywhere saw. In features they strikingly resemble the more
northern Indians whom I saw with Rosas, but they have a wilder and
more formidable appearance: their faces were much painted with red
and black, and one man was ringed and dotted with white like a
Fuegian. Captain Fitz Roy offered to take any three of them on
board, and all seemed determined to be of the three. It was long
before we could clear the boat; at last we got on board with our
three giants, who dined with the Captain, and behaved quite like
gentlemen, helping themselves with knives, forks, and spoons:
nothing was so much relished as sugar. This tribe has had so much
communication with sealers and whalers, that most of the men can
speak a little English and Spanish; and they are half civilised,
and proportionally demoralised.

The next morning a large party went on shore, to barter for skins
and ostrich-feathers; fire-arms being refused, tobacco was in
greatest request, far more so than axes or tools. The whole
population of the toldos, men, women, and children, were arranged
on a bank. It was an amusing scene, and it was impossible not to
like the so-called giants, they were so thoroughly good-humoured
and unsuspecting: they asked us to come again. They seem to like to
have Europeans to live with them; and old Maria, an important woman
in the tribe, once begged Mr. Low to leave any one of his sailors
with them. They spend the greater part of the year here; but in
summer they hunt along the foot of the Cordillera: sometimes they
travel as far as the Rio Negro, 750 miles to the north. They are
well stocked with horses, each man having, according to Mr. Low,
six or seven, and all the women, and even children, their one own
horse. In the time of Sarmiento (1580) these Indians had bows and
arrows, now long since disused; they then also possessed some
horses. This is a very curious fact, showing the extraordinarily
rapid multiplication of horses in South America. The horse was
first landed at Buenos Ayres in 1537, and the colony being then for
a time deserted, the horse ran wild (11/2. Rengger “Natur. der
Saugethiere von Paraguay” S. 334.); in 1580, only forty-three years
afterwards, we hear of them at the Strait of Magellan! Mr. Low
informs me, that a neighbouring tribe of foot-Indians is now
changing into horse-Indians: the tribe at Gregory Bay giving them
their worn-out horses, and sending in winter a few of their best
skilled men to hunt for them.

JUNE 1, 1834.


We anchored in the fine bay of Port Famine. It was now the
beginning of winter, and I never saw a more cheerless prospect; the
dusky woods, piebald with snow, could be only seen indistinctly
through a drizzling hazy atmosphere. We were, however, lucky in
getting two fine days. On one of these, Mount Sarmiento, a distant
mountain 6800 feet high, presented a very noble spectacle. I was
frequently surprised, in the scenery of Tierra del Fuego, at the
little apparent elevation of mountains really lofty. I suspect it
is owing to a cause which would not at first be imagined, namely,
that the whole mass, from the summit to the water’s edge, is
generally in full view. I remember having seen a mountain, first
from the Beagle Channel, where the whole sweep from the summit to
the base was full in view, and then from Ponsonby Sound across
several successive ridges; and it was curious to observe in the
latter case, as each fresh ridge afforded fresh means of judging of
the distance, how the mountain rose in height.

Before reaching Port Famine, two men were seen running along the
shore and hailing the ship. A boat was sent for them. They turned
out to be two sailors who had run away from a sealing-vessel, and
had joined the Patagonians. These Indians had treated them with
their usual disinterested hospitality. They had parted company
through accident, and were then proceeding to Port Famine in hopes
of finding some ship. I daresay they were worthless vagabonds, but
I never saw more miserable-looking ones. They had been living for
some days on mussel-shells and berries, and their tattered clothes
had been burnt by sleeping so near their fires. They had been
exposed night and day, without any shelter, to the late incessant
gales, with rain, sleet, and snow, and yet they were in good



During our stay at Port Famine, the Fuegians twice came and plagued
us. As there were many instruments, clothes, and men on shore, it
was thought necessary to frighten them away. The first time a few
great guns were fired, when they were far distant. It was most
ludicrous to watch through a glass the Indians, as often as the
shot struck the water, take up stones, and, as a bold defiance,
throw them towards the ship, though about a mile and a half
distant! A boat was then sent with orders to fire a few
musket-shots wide of them. The Fuegians hid themselves behind the
trees, and for every discharge of the muskets they fired their
arrows; all, however, fell short of the boat, and the officer as he
pointed at them laughed. This made the Fuegians frantic with
passion, and they shook their mantles in vain rage. At last, seeing
the balls cut and strike the trees, they ran away, and we were left
in peace and quietness. During the former voyage the Fuegians were
here very troublesome, and to frighten them a rocket was fired at
night over their wigwams; it answered effectually, and one of the
officers told me that the clamour first raised, and the barking of
the dogs, was quite ludicrous in contrast with the profound silence
which in a minute or two afterwards prevailed. The next morning not
a single Fuegian was in the neighbourhood.

When the “Beagle” was here in the month of February, I started one
morning at four o’clock to ascend Mount Tarn, which is 2600 feet
high, and is the most elevated point in this immediate district. We
went in a boat to the foot of the mountain (but unluckily not to
the best part), and then began our ascent. The forest commences at
the line of high-water mark, and during the first two hours I gave
over all hopes of reaching the summit. So thick was the wood, that
it was necessary to have constant recourse to the compass; for
every landmark, though in a mountainous country, was completely
shut out. In the deep ravines the death-like scene of desolation
exceeded all description; outside it was blowing a gale, but in
these hollows not even a breath of wind stirred the leaves of the
tallest trees. So gloomy, cold, and wet was every part, that not
even the fungi, mosses, or ferns could flourish. In the valleys it
was scarcely possible to crawl along, they were so completely
barricaded by great mouldering trunks, which had fallen down in
every direction. When passing over these natural bridges, one’s
course was often arrested by sinking knee deep into the rotten
wood; at other times, when attempting to lean against a firm tree,
one was startled by finding a mass of decayed matter ready to fall
at the slightest touch. We at last found ourselves among the
stunted trees, and then soon reached the bare ridge, which
conducted us to the summit. Here was a view characteristic of
Tierra del Fuego; irregular chains of hills, mottled with patches
of snow, deep yellowish-green valleys, and arms of the sea
intersecting the land in many directions. The strong wind was
piercingly cold, and the atmosphere rather hazy, so that we did not
stay long on the top of the mountain. Our descent was not quite so
laborious as our ascent, for the weight of the body forced a
passage, and all the slips and falls were in the right direction.

I have already mentioned the sombre and dull character of the
evergreen forests, in which two or three species of trees grow, to
the exclusion of all others. (11/3. Captain Fitz Roy informs me
that in April (our October) the leaves of those trees which grow
near the base of the mountains change colour, but not those on the
more elevated parts. I remember having read some observations,
showing that in England the leaves fall earlier in a warm and fine
autumn than in a late and cold one. The change in the colour being
here retarded in the more elevated, and therefore colder
situations, must be owing to the same general law of vegetation.
The trees of Tierra del Fuego during no part of the year entirely
shed their leaves.) Above the forest land there are many dwarf
alpine plants, which all spring from the mass of peat, and help to
compose it: these plants are very remarkable from their close
alliance with the species growing on the mountains of Europe,
though so many thousand miles distant. The central part of Tierra
del Fuego, where the clay-slate formation occurs, is most
favourable to the growth of trees; on the outer coast the poorer
granitic soil, and a situation more exposed to the violent winds,
do not allow of their attaining any great size. Near Port Famine I
have seen more large trees than anywhere else: I measured a
Winter’s Bark which was four feet six inches in girth, and several
of the beech were as much as thirteen feet. Captain King also
mentions a beech which was seven feet in diameter seventeen feet
above the roots.


There is one vegetable production deserving notice from its
importance as an article of food to the Fuegians. It is a globular,
bright-yellow fungus, which grows in vast numbers on the
beech-trees. When young it is elastic and turgid, with a smooth
surface; but when mature, it shrinks, becomes tougher, and has its
entire surface deeply pitted or honeycombed, as represented in
Plate 55. This fungus belongs to a new and curious genus (11/4.
Described from my specimens and notes by the Reverend J.M. Berkeley
in the “Linnean Transactions” volume 19 page 37, under the name of
Cyttaria Darwinii: the Chilean species is the C. Berteroii. This
genus is allied to Bulgaria.); I found a second species on another
species of beech in Chile: and Dr. Hooker informs me that just
lately a third species has been discovered on a third species of
beech in Van Dieman’s Land. How singular is this relationship
between parasitical fungi and the trees on which they grow, in
distant parts of the world! In Tierra del Fuego the fungus in its
tough and mature state is collected in large quantities by the
women and children, and is eaten un-cooked. It has a mucilaginous,
slightly sweet taste, with a faint smell like that of a mushroom.
With the exception of a few berries, chiefly of a dwarf arbutus,
the natives eat no vegetable food besides this fungus. In New
Zealand, before the introduction of the potato, the roots of the
fern were largely consumed; at the present time, I believe, Tierra
del Fuego is the only country in the world where a cryptogamic
plant affords a staple article of food.

The zoology of Tierra del Fuego, as might have been expected from
the nature of its climate and vegetation, is very poor. Of
mammalia, besides whales and seals, there is one bat, a kind of
mouse (Reithrodon chinchilloides), two true mice, a ctenomys allied
to or identical with the tucutuco, two foxes (Canis Magellanicus
and C. Azarae), a sea-otter, the guanaco, and a deer. Most of these
animals inhabit only the drier eastern parts of the country; and
the deer has never been seen south of the Strait of Magellan.
Observing the general correspondence of the cliffs of soft
sandstone, mud, and shingle, on the opposite sides of the Strait,
and on some intervening islands, one is strongly tempted to believe
that the land was once joined, and thus allowed animals so delicate
and helpless as the tucutuco and Reithrodon to pass over. The
correspondence of the cliffs is far from proving any junction;
because such cliffs generally are formed by the intersection of
sloping deposits, which, before the elevation of the land, had been
accumulated near the then existing shores. It is, however, a
remarkable coincidence, that in the two large islands cut off by
the Beagle Channel from the rest of Tierra del Fuego, one has
cliffs composed of matter that may be called stratified alluvium,
which front similar ones on the opposite side of the
channel,–while the other is exclusively bordered by old
crystalline rocks; in the former, called Navarin Island, both foxes
and guanacos occur; but in the latter, Hoste Island, although
similar in every respect, and only separated by a channel a little
more than half a mile wide, I have the word of Jemmy Button for
saying that neither of these animals is found.

The gloomy woods are inhabited by few birds: occasionally the
plaintive note of a white-tufted tyrant-flycatcher (Myiobius
albiceps) may be heard, concealed near the summit of the most lofty
trees; and more rarely the loud strange cry of a black woodpecker,
with a fine scarlet crest on its head. A little, dusky-coloured
wren (Scytalopus Magellanicus) hops in a skulking manner among the
entangled mass of the fallen and decaying trunks. But the creeper
(Oxyurus tupinieri) is the commonest bird in the country.
Throughout the beech forests, high up and low down, in the most
gloomy, wet, and impenetrable ravines, it may be met with. This
little bird no doubt appears more numerous than it really is, from
its habit of following with seeming curiosity any person who enters
these silent woods: continually uttering a harsh twitter, it
flutters from tree to tree, within a few feet of the intruder’s
face. It is far from wishing for the modest concealment of the true
creeper (Certhia familiaris); nor does it, like that bird, run up
the trunks of trees, but industriously, after the manner of a
willow-wren, hops about, and searches for insects on every twig and
branch. In the more open parts, three or four species of finches, a
thrush, a starling (or Icterus), two Opetiorhynchi, and several
hawks and owls occur.

The absence of any species whatever in the whole class of Reptiles
is a marked feature in the zoology of this country, as well as in
that of the Falkland Islands. I do not ground this statement merely
on my own observation, but I heard it from the Spanish inhabitants
of the latter place, and from Jemmy Button with regard to Tierra
del Fuego. On the banks of the Santa Cruz, in 50 degrees south, I
saw a frog; and it is not improbable that these animals, as well as
lizards, may be found as far south as the Strait of Magellan, where
the country retains the character of Patagonia; but within the damp
and cold limit of Tierra del Fuego not one occurs. That the climate
would not have suited some of the orders, such as lizards, might
have been foreseen; but with respect to frogs, this was not so

Beetles occur in very small numbers: it was long before I could
believe that a country as large as Scotland, covered with vegetable
productions and with a variety of stations, could be so
unproductive. The few which I found were alpine species (Harpalidae
and Heteromidae) living under stones. The vegetable-feeding
Chrysomelidae, so eminently characteristic of the Tropics, are here
almost entirely absent (11/5. I believe I must except one alpine
Haltica, and a single specimen of a Melasoma. Mr. Waterhouse
informs me, that of the Harpalidae there are eight or nine
species–the forms of the greater number being very peculiar; of
Heteromera, four or five species; of Rhyncophora, six or seven; and
of the following families one species in each: Staphylinidae,
Elateridae, Cebrionidae, Melolonthidae. The species in the other
orders are even fewer. In all the orders, the scarcity of the
individuals is even more remarkable than that of the species. Most
of the Coleoptera have been carefully described by Mr. Waterhouse
in the “Annals of Natural History.”); I saw very few flies,
butterflies, or bees, and no crickets or Orthoptera. In the pools
of water I found but few aquatic beetles, and not any fresh-water
shells: Succinea at first appears an exception; but here it must be
called a terrestrial shell, for it lives on the damp herbage far
from water. Land-shells could be procured only in the same alpine
situations with the beetles. I have already contrasted the climate
as well as the general appearance of Tierra del Fuego with that of
Patagonia; and the difference is strongly exemplified in the
entomology. I do not believe they have one species in common;
certainly the general character of the insects is widely different.

If we turn from the land to the sea, we shall find the latter as
abundantly stocked with living creatures as the former is poorly
so. In all parts of the world a rocky and partially protected shore
perhaps supports, in a given space, a greater number of individual
animals than any other station. There is one marine production
which, from its importance, is worthy of a particular history. It
is the kelp, or Macrocystis pyrifera. This plant grows on every
rock from low-water mark to a great depth, both on the outer coast
and within the channels. (11/6. Its geographical range is
remarkably wide; it is found from the extreme southern islets near
Cape Horn, as far north on the eastern coast (according to
information given me by Mr. Stokes) as latitude 43 degrees,–but on
the western coast, as Dr. Hooker tells me, it extends to the R. San
Francisco in California, and perhaps even to Kamtschatka. We thus
have an immense range in latitude; and as Cook, who must have been
well acquainted with the species, found it at Kerguelen Land, no
less than 140 degrees in longitude.) I believe, during the voyages
of the “Adventure” and “Beagle,” not one rock near the surface was
discovered which was not buoyed by this floating weed. The good
service it thus affords to vessels navigating near this stormy land
is evident; and it certainly has saved many a one from being
wrecked. I know few things more surprising than to see this plant
growing and flourishing amidst those great breakers of the western
ocean, which no mass of rock, let it be ever so hard, can long
resist. The stem is round, slimy, and smooth, and seldom has a
diameter of so much as an inch. A few taken together are
sufficiently strong to support the weight of the large loose
stones, to which in the inland channels they grow attached; and yet
some of these stones were so heavy that when drawn to the surface,
they could scarcely be lifted into a boat by one person. Captain
Cook, in his second voyage, says that this plant at Kerguelen Land
rises from a greater depth than twenty-four fathoms; “and as it
does not grow in a perpendicular direction, but makes a very acute
angle with the bottom, and much of it afterwards spreads many
fathoms on the surface of the sea, I am well warranted to say that
some of it grows to the length of sixty fathoms and upwards.” I do
not suppose the stem of any other plant attains so great a length
as three hundred and sixty feet, as stated by Captain Cook. Captain
Fitz Roy, moreover, found it growing up from the greater depth of
forty-five fathoms. (11/7. “Voyages of the ‘Adventure’ and
‘Beagle'” volume 1 page 363. It appears that seaweed grows
extremely quick. Mr. Stephenson found Wilson’s “Voyage round
Scotland” volume 2 page 228, that a rock uncovered only at
spring-tides, which had been chiselled smooth in November, on the
following May, that is, within six months afterwards, was thickly
covered with Fucus digitatus two feet, and F. esculentus six feet,
in length.) The beds of this sea-weed, even when of not great
breadth, make excellent natural floating breakwaters. It is quite
curious to see, in an exposed harbour, how soon the waves from the
open sea, as they travel through the straggling stems, sink in
height, and pass into smooth water.

The number of living creatures of all Orders, whose existence
intimately depends on the kelp, is wonderful. A great volume might
be written, describing the inhabitants of one of these beds of
seaweed. Almost all the leaves, excepting those that float on the
surface, are so thickly incrusted with corallines as to be of a
white colour. We find exquisitely delicate structures, some
inhabited by simple hydra-like polypi, others by more organised
kinds, and beautiful compound Ascidiae. On the leaves, also,
various patelliform shells, Trochi, uncovered molluscs, and some
bivalves are attached. Innumerable crustacea frequent every part of
the plant. On shaking the great entangled roots, a pile of small
fish, shells, cuttlefish, crabs of all orders, sea-eggs, starfish,
beautiful Holothuriae, Planariae, and crawling nereidous animals of
a multitude of forms, all fall out together. Often as I recurred to
a branch of the kelp, I never failed to discover animals of new and
curious structures. In Chiloe, where the kelp does not thrive very
well, the numerous shells, corallines, and crustacea are absent;
but there yet remain a few of the Flustraceae, and some compound
Ascidiae; the latter, however, are of different species from those
in Tierra del Fuego; we see here the fucus possessing a wider range
than the animals which use it as an abode. I can only compare these
great aquatic forests of the southern hemisphere with the
terrestrial ones in the intertropical regions. Yet if in any
country a forest was destroyed, I do not believe nearly so many
species of animals would perish as would here, from the destruction
of the kelp. Amidst the leaves of this plant numerous species of
fish live, which nowhere else could find food or shelter; with
their destruction the many cormorants and other fishing birds, the
otters, seals, and porpoises, would soon perish also; and lastly,
the Fuegian savage, the miserable lord of this miserable land,
would redouble his cannibal feast, decrease in numbers, and perhaps
cease to exist.

JUNE 8, 1834.

We weighed anchor early in the morning and left Port Famine.
Captain Fitz Roy determined to leave the Strait of Magellan by the
Magdalen Channel, which had not long been discovered. Our course
lay due south, down that gloomy passage which I have before alluded
to as appearing to lead to another and worse world. The wind was
fair, but the atmosphere was very thick; so that we missed much
curious scenery. The dark ragged clouds were rapidly driven over
the mountains, from their summits nearly down to their bases. The
glimpses which we caught through the dusky mass were highly
interesting; jagged points, cones of snow, blue glaciers, strong
outlines, marked on a lurid sky, were seen at different distances
and heights. In the midst of such scenery we anchored at Cape Turn,
close to Mount Sarmiento, which was then hidden in the clouds. At
the base of the lofty and almost perpendicular sides of our little
cove there was one deserted wigwam, and it alone reminded us that
man sometimes wandered into these desolate regions. But it would be
difficult to imagine a scene where he seemed to have fewer claims
or less authority. The inanimate works of nature–rock, ice, snow,
wind, and water, all warring with each other, yet combined against
man–here reigned in absolute sovereignty.

JUNE 9, 1834.

In the morning we were delighted by seeing the veil of mist
gradually rise from Sarmiento, and display it to our view. This
mountain, which is one of the highest in Tierra del Fuego, has an
altitude of 6800 feet. Its base, for about an eighth of its total
height, is clothed by dusky woods, and above this a field of snow
extends to the summit. These vast piles of snow, which never melt,
and seem destined to last as long as the world holds together,
present a noble and even sublime spectacle. The outline of the
mountain was admirably clear and defined. Owing to the abundance of
light reflected from the white and glittering surface, no shadows
were cast on any part; and those lines which intersected the sky
could alone be distinguished: hence the mass stood out in the
boldest relief. Several glaciers descended in a winding course from
the upper great expanse of snow to the sea-coast: they may be
likened to great frozen Niagaras; and perhaps these cataracts of
blue ice are full as beautiful as the moving ones of water. By
night we reached the western part of the channel; but the water was
so deep that no anchorage could be found. We were in consequence
obliged to stand off and on in this narrow arm of the sea, during a
pitch-dark night of fourteen hours long.

JUNE 10, 1834.

In the morning we made the best of our way into the open Pacific.
The western coast generally consists of low, rounded, quite barren
hills of granite and greenstone. Sir J. Narborough called one part
South Desolation, because it is “so desolate a land to behold:” and
well indeed might he say so. Outside the main islands there are
numberless scattered rocks on which the long swell of the open
ocean incessantly rages. We passed out between the East and West
Furies; and a little farther northward there are so many breakers
that the sea is called the Milky Way. One sight of such a coast is
enough to make a landsman dream for a week about shipwrecks, peril,
and death; and with this sight we bade farewell for ever to Tierra
del Fuego.

The following discussion on the climate of the southern parts of
the continent with relation to its productions, on the snow-line,
on the extraordinarily low descent of the glaciers, and on the zone
of perpetual congelation in the antarctic islands, may be passed
over by any one not interested in these curious subjects, or the
final recapitulation alone may be read. I shall, however, here give
only an abstract, and must refer for details to the Thirteenth
Chapter and the Appendix of the former edition of this work.


The following table gives the mean temperature of Tierra del
Fuego, the Falkland Islands, and, for comparison, that of

Latitude    Summer Winter Mean of Summer
degrees ‘ Temp.    Temp.     and Winter
deg. F. deg. F.     deg. F.
Tierra del Fuego 53 38 S.    50     33.08         41.54
Falkland Islands 51 38 S.    51        —            —
Dublin            53 21 N.    59.54    39.2         49.37

Hence we see that the central part of Tierra del Fuego is colder in
winter, and no less than 9 1/2 degrees less hot in summer, than
Dublin. According to von Buch the mean temperature of July (not the
hottest month in the year) at Saltenfiord in Norway, is as high as
57.8 degrees, and this place is actually 13 degrees nearer the pole
than Port Famine! (11/8. With respect to Tierra del Fuego, the
results are deduced from the observations of Captain King
“Geographical Journal” 1830, and those taken on board the “Beagle.”
For the Falkland Islands, I am indebted to Captain Sulivan for the
mean of the mean temperature (reduced from careful observation at
midnight, 8 A.M., noon, and 8 P.M.) of the three hottest months,
namely, December, January, and February. The temperature of Dublin
is taken from Barton.) Inhospitable as this climate appears to our
feelings, evergreen trees flourish luxuriantly under it.
Humming-birds may be seen sucking the flowers, and parrots feeding
on the seeds of the Winter’s Bark, in latitude 55 degrees south. I
have already remarked to what a degree the sea swarms with living
creatures; and the shells (such as the Patellae, Fissurellae,
Chitons, and Barnacles), according to Mr. G.B. Sowerby, are of a
much larger size, and of a more vigorous growth, than the analogous
species in the northern hemisphere. A large Voluta is abundant in
southern Tierra del Fuego and the Falkland Islands. At Bahia
Blanca, in latitude 39 degrees south, the most abundant shells were
three species of Oliva (one of large size), one or two Volutas, and
a Terebra. Now these are amongst the best characterised tropical
forms. It is doubtful whether even one small species of Oliva
exists on the southern shores of Europe, and there are no species
of the two other genera. If a geologist were to find in latitude 39
degrees on the coast of Portugal a bed containing numerous shells
belonging to three species of Oliva, to a Voluta, and Terebra, he
would probably assert that the climate at the period of their
existence must have been tropical; but, judging from South America,
such an inference might be erroneous.

The equable, humid, and windy climate of Tierra del Fuego extends,
with only a small increase of heat, for many degrees along the west
coast of the continent. The forests for 600 miles northward of Cape
Horn, have a very similar aspect. As a proof of the equable
climate, even for 300 or 400 miles still farther northward, I may
mention that in Chiloe (corresponding in latitude with the northern
parts of Spain) the peach seldom produces fruit, whilst
strawberries and apples thrive to perfection. Even the crops of
barley and wheat are often brought into the houses to be dried and
ripened. (11/9. Agüeros “Descrip. Hist. de la Prov. de Chiloé” 1791
page 94.) At Valdivia (in the same latitude of 40 degrees with
Madrid) grapes and figs ripen, but are not common; olives seldom
ripen even partially, and oranges not at all. These fruits, in
corresponding latitudes in Europe, are well known to succeed to
perfection; and even in this continent, at the Rio Negro, under
nearly the same parallel with Valdivia, sweet potatoes
(convolvulus) are cultivated; and grapes, figs, olives, oranges,
water and musk melons, produce abundant fruit.

Sweet potatoes are rich in Vitamin A, Vitamin C, potassium and fibre content. Learn more about the importance of Vitamin A that it is a fat-soluble thing that

  • Helps in maintaining a good vision
  • Strengthens the immune system of our body along with supporting the cell growth
  • Maintains a healthy and glowing skin

Although the humid
and equable climate of Chiloe, and of the coast northward and
southward of it, is so unfavourable to our fruits, yet the native
forests, from latitude 45 to 38 degrees, almost rival in luxuriance
those of the glowing intertropical regions. Stately trees of many
kinds, with smooth and highly coloured barks, are loaded by
parasitical monocotyledonous plants; large and elegant ferns are
numerous, and arborescent grasses entwine the trees into one
entangled mass to the height of thirty or forty feet above the
ground. Palm-trees grow in latitude 37 degrees; an arborescent
grass, very like a bamboo, in 40 degrees; and another closely
allied kind, of great length, but not erect, flourishes even as far
south as 45 degrees south.


For the detailed authorities for the following table, I must
refer to the former edition:–

Height in feet
Latitude                 of Snow-line         Observer
Equatorial region;
mean result             15,748                Humboldt.

Bolivia, latitude
16 to 18 degrees south 17,000                Pentland.

Central Chile, latitude
33 degrees south         14,500 to 15,000     Gillies and the

Chiloe, latitude
41 to 43 degrees south 6,000                 Officers of the
“Beagle” and the

Tierra del Fuego
54 degrees south         3,500 – 4,000 King.
An equable climate, evidently due to the large area of sea compared
with the land, seems to extend over the greater part of the
southern hemisphere; and as a consequence, the vegetation partakes
of a semi-tropical character. Tree-ferns thrive luxuriantly in Van
Diemen’s Land (latitude 45 degrees), and I measured one trunk no
less than six feet in circumference. An arborescent fern was found
by Forster in New Zealand in 46 degrees, where orchideous plants
are parasitical on the trees. In the Auckland Islands, ferns,
according to Dr. Dieffenbach have trunks so thick and high that
they may be almost called tree-ferns; and in these islands, and
even as far south as latitude 55 degrees in the Macquarie Islands,
parrots abound. (11/10. See the German Translation of this Journal;
and for the other facts Mr. Brown’s Appendix to Flinders’s

As the height of the plane of perpetual snow seems chiefly to be
determined by the extreme heat of the summer, rather than by the
mean temperature of the year, we ought not to be surprised at its
descent in the Strait of Magellan, where the summer is so cool, to
only 3500 or 4000 feet above the level of the sea; although in
Norway, we must travel to between latitude 67 and 70 degrees north,
that is, about 14 degrees nearer the pole, to meet with perpetual
snow at this low level. The difference in height, namely, about
9000 feet, between the snow-line on the Cordillera behind Chiloe
(with its highest points ranging from only 5600 to 7500 feet) and
in central Chile (a distance of only 9 degrees of latitude), is
truly wonderful. (11/11. On the Cordillera of central Chile, I
believe the snow-line varies exceedingly in height in different
summers. I was assured that during one very dry and long summer,
all the snow disappeared from Aconcagua, although it attains the
prodigious height of 23,000 feet. It is probable that much of the
snow at these great heights is evaporated, rather than thawed.) The
land from the southward of Chiloe to near Concepcion (latitude 37
degrees) is hidden by one dense forest dripping with moisture. The
sky is cloudy, and we have seen how badly the fruits of southern
Europe succeed. In central Chile, on the other hand, a little
northward of Concepcion, the sky is generally clear, rain does not
fall for the seven summer months, and southern European fruits
succeed admirably; and even the sugar-cane has been cultivated.
(11/12. Miers’s “Chile” volume 1 page 415. It is said that the
sugar-cane grew at Ingenio, latitude 32 to 33 degrees, but not in
sufficient quantity to make the manufacture profitable. In the
valley of Quillota, south of Ingenio, I saw some large date-palm
trees.) No doubt the plane of perpetual snow undergoes the above
remarkable flexure of 9000 feet, unparalleled in other parts of the
world, not far from the latitude of Concepcion, where the land
ceases to be covered with forest-trees; for trees in South America
indicate a rainy climate, and rain a clouded sky and little heat in


The descent of glaciers to the sea must, I conceive, mainly depend
(subject, of course, to a proper supply of snow in the upper
region) on the lowness of the line of perpetual snow on steep
mountains near the coast. As the snow-line is so low in Tierra del
Fuego, we might have expected that many of the glaciers would have
reached the sea. Nevertheless I was astonished when I first saw a
range, only from 3000 to 4000 feet in height, in the latitude of
Cumberland, with every valley filled with streams of ice descending
to the sea-coast. Almost every arm of the sea, which penetrates to
the interior higher chain, not only in Tierra del Fuego, but on the
coast for 650 miles northwards, is terminated by “tremendous and
astonishing glaciers,” as described by one of the officers on the
survey. Great masses of ice frequently fall from these icy cliffs,
and the crash reverberates like the broadside of a man-of-war
through the lonely channels. These falls, as noticed in the last
chapter, produce great waves which break on the adjoining coasts.
It is known that earthquakes frequently cause masses of earth to
fall from sea-cliffs: how terrific, then, would be the effect of a
severe shock (and such occur here (11/13. Bulkeley’s and Cummin’s
“Faithful Narrative of the Loss of the Wager.” The earthquake
happened August 25, 1741.)) on a body like a glacier, already in
motion, and traversed by fissures! I can readily believe that the
water would be fairly beaten back out of the deepest channel, and
then, returning with an overwhelming force, would whirl about huge
masses of rock like so much chaff. In Eyre’s Sound, in the latitude
of Paris, there are immense glaciers, and yet the loftiest
neighbouring mountain is only 6200 feet high. In this Sound, about
fifty icebergs were seen at one time floating outwards, and one of
them must have been AT LEAST 168 feet in total height. Some of the
icebergs were loaded with blocks of no inconsiderable size, of
granite and other rocks, different from the clay-slate of the
surrounding mountains.


The glacier farthest from the Pole, surveyed during the voyages of
the “Adventure” and “Beagle,” is in latitude 46 degrees 50′, in the
Gulf of Penas. It is 15 miles long, and in one part 7 broad, and
descends to the sea-coast. But even a few miles northward of this
glacier, in the Laguna de San Rafael, some Spanish missionaries
encountered “many icebergs, some great, some small, and others
middle-sized,” in a narrow arm of the sea, on the 22 of the month
corresponding with our June, and in a latitude corresponding with
that of the Lake of Geneva! (11/14. Agüeros “Desc. Hist. de Chiloé”
page 227.)

In Europe, the most southern glacier which comes down to the sea is
met with, according to Von Buch, on the coast of Norway, in
latitude 67 degrees. Now, this is more than 20 degrees of latitude,
or 1230 miles, nearer the pole than the Laguna de San Rafael. The
position of the glaciers at this place and in the Gulf of Penas may
be put even in a more striking point of view, for they descend to
the sea-coast within 7 1/2 degrees of latitude, or 450 miles, of a
harbour, where three species of Oliva, a Voluta, and a Terebra, are
the commonest shells, within less than 9 degrees from where palms
grow, within 4 1/2 degrees of a region where the jaguar and puma
range over the plains, less than 2 1/2 degrees from arborescent
grasses, and (looking to the westward in the same hemisphere) less
than 2 degrees from orchideous parasites, and within a single
degree of tree-ferns!

These facts are of high geological interest with respect to the
climate of the northern hemisphere, at the period when boulders
were transported. I will not here detail how simply the theory of
icebergs being charged with fragments of rock explains the origin
and position of the gigantic boulders of eastern Tierra del Fuego,
on the high plain of Santa Cruz, and on the island of Chiloe. In
Tierra del Fuego the greater number of boulders lie on the lines of
old sea-channels, now converted into dry valleys by the elevation
of the land. They are associated with a great unstratified
formation of mud and sand, containing rounded and angular fragments
of all sizes, which has originated in the repeated ploughing up of
the sea-bottom by the stranding of icebergs, and by the matter
transported on them. (11/15. “Geological Transactions” volume 6
page 415.) Few geologists now doubt that those erratic boulders
which lie near lofty mountains have been pushed forward by the
glaciers themselves, and that those distant from mountains, and
embedded in subaqueous deposits, have been conveyed thither either
on icebergs, or frozen in coast-ice. The connection between the
transportal of boulders and the presence of ice in some form, is
strikingly shown by their geographical distribution over the earth.
In South America they are not found farther than 48 degrees of
latitude, measured from the southern pole; in North America it
appears that the limit of their transportal extends to 53 1/2
degrees from the northern pole; but in Europe to not more than 40
degrees of latitude, measured from the same point. On the other
hand, in the intertropical parts of America, Asia, and Africa, they
have never been observed; nor at the Cape of Good Hope, nor in
Australia. (11/16. I have given details (the first, I believe,
published) on this subject in the first edition, and in the
Appendix to it. I have there shown that the apparent exceptions to
the absence of erratic boulders in certain hot countries are due to
erroneous observations; several statements there given I have since
found confirmed by various authors.)


Considering the rankness of the vegetation in Tierra del Fuego, and
on the coast northward of it, the condition of the islands south
and south-west of America is truly surprising. Sandwich Land, in
the latitude of the north part of Scotland, was found by Cook,
during the hottest month of the year, “covered many fathoms thick
with everlasting snow;” and there seems to be scarcely any
vegetation. Georgia, an island 96 miles long and 10 broad, in the
latitude of Yorkshire, “in the very height of summer, is in a
manner wholly covered with frozen snow.” It can boast only of moss,
some tufts of grass, and wild burnet; it has only one land-bird
(Anthus correndera), yet Iceland, which is 10 degrees nearer the
pole, has, according to Mackenzie, fifteen land-birds. The South
Shetland Islands, in the same latitude as the southern half of
Norway, possess only some lichens, moss, and a little grass; and
Lieutenant Kendall found the bay in which he was at anchor,
beginning to freeze at a period corresponding with our 8th of
September. (11/17. “Geographical Journal” 1830 pages 65, 66.) The
soil here consists of ice and volcanic ashes interstratified; and
at a little depth beneath the surface it must remain perpetually
congealed, for Lieutenant Kendall found the body of a foreign
sailor which had long been buried, with the flesh and all the
features perfectly preserved. It is a singular fact that on the two
great continents in the northern hemisphere (but not in the broken
land of Europe between them) we have the zone of perpetually frozen
under-soil in a low latitude–namely, in 56 degrees in North
America at the depth of three feet (11/18. Richardson’s “Append. to
Back’s Exped.” and Humboldt’s “Fragm. Asiat.” tome 2 page 386.),
and in 62 degrees in Siberia at the depth of twelve to fifteen
feet–as the result of a directly opposite condition of things to
those of the southern hemisphere. On the northern continents, the
winter is rendered excessively cold by the radiation from a large
area of land into a clear sky, nor is it moderated by the
warmth-bringing currents of the sea; the short summer, on the other
hand, is hot. In the Southern Ocean the winter is not so
excessively cold, but the summer is far less hot, for the clouded
sky seldom allows the sun to warm the ocean, itself a bad absorbent
of heat: and hence the mean temperature of the year, which
regulates the zone of perpetually congealed under-soil, is low. It
is evident that a rank vegetation, which does not so much require
heat as it does protection from intense cold, would approach much
nearer to this zone of perpetual congelation under the equable
climate of the southern hemisphere, than under the extreme climate
of the northern continents.

The case of the sailor’s body perfectly preserved in the icy soil
of the South Shetland Islands (latitude 62 to 63 degrees south), in
a rather lower latitude than that (latitude 64 degrees north) under
which Pallas found the frozen rhinoceros in Siberia, is very
interesting. Although it is a fallacy, as I have endeavoured to
show in a former chapter, to suppose that the larger quadrupeds
require a luxuriant vegetation for their support, nevertheless it
is important to find in the South Shetland Islands a frozen
under-soil within 360 miles of the forest-clad islands near Cape
Horn, where, as far as the BULK of vegetation is concerned, any
number of great quadrupeds might be supported. The perfect
preservation of the carcasses of the Siberian elephants and
rhinoceroses is certainly one of the most wonderful facts in
geology; but independently of the imagined difficulty of supplying
them with food from the adjoining countries, the whole case is not,
I think, so perplexing as it has generally been considered. The
plains of Siberia, like those of the Pampas, appear to have been
formed under the sea, into which rivers brought down the bodies of
many animals; of the greater number of these only the skeletons
have been preserved, but of others the perfect carcass. Now it is
known that in the shallow sea on the Arctic coast of America the
bottom freezes (11/19. Messrs. Dease and Simpson, in “Geographical
Journal” volume 8 pages 218 and 220.), and does not thaw in spring
so soon as the surface of the land, moreover, at greater depths,
where the bottom of the sea does not freeze, the mud a few feet
beneath the top layer might remain even in summer below 32 degrees,
as is the case on the land with the soil at the depth of a few
feet. At still greater depths the temperature of the mud and water
would probably not be low enough to preserve the flesh; and hence,
carcasses drifted beyond the shallow parts near an arctic coast,
would have only their skeletons preserved: now in the extreme
northern parts of Siberia bones are infinitely numerous, so that
even islets are said to be almost composed of them (11/20. Cuvier
“Ossemens Fossiles” tome 1 page 151, from Billing’s “Voyage.”); and
those islets lie no less than ten degrees of latitude north of the
place where Pallas found the frozen rhinoceros. On the other hand,
a carcass washed by a flood into a shallow part of the Arctic Sea,
would be preserved for an indefinite period, if it were soon
afterwards covered with mud sufficiently thick to prevent the heat
of the summer water penetrating to it; and if, when the sea-bottom
was upraised into land, the covering was sufficiently thick to
prevent the heat of the summer air and sun thawing and corrupting




I will recapitulate the principal facts with regard to the climate,
ice-action, and organic productions of the southern hemisphere,
transposing the places in imagination to Europe, with which we are
so much better acquainted. Then, near Lisbon, the commonest
sea-shells, namely, three species of Oliva, a Voluta, and a
Terebra, would have a tropical character. In the southern provinces
of France, magnificent forests, intwined by arborescent grasses and
with the trees loaded with parasitical plants, would hide the face
of the land. The puma and the jaguar would haunt the Pyrenees. In
the latitude of Mont Blanc, but on an island as far westward as
Central North America, tree-ferns and parasitical Orchideae would
thrive amidst the thick woods. Even as far north as central Denmark
humming-birds would be seen fluttering about delicate flowers, and
parrots feeding amidst the evergreen woods; and in the sea there we
should have a Voluta, and all the shells of large size and vigorous
growth. Nevertheless, on some islands only 360 miles northward of
our new Cape Horn in Denmark, a carcass buried in the soil (or if
washed into a shallow sea, and covered up with mud) would be
preserved perpetually frozen. If some bold navigator attempted to
penetrate northward of these islands, he would run a thousand
dangers amidst gigantic icebergs, on some of which he would see
great blocks of rock borne far away from their original site.
Another island of large size in the latitude of southern Scotland,
but twice as far to the west, would be “almost wholly covered with
everlasting snow,” and would have each bay terminated by
ice-cliffs, whence great masses would be yearly detached: this
island would boast only of a little moss, grass, and burnet, and a
titlark would be its only land inhabitant. From our new Cape Horn
in Denmark, a chain of mountains, scarcely half the height of the
Alps, would run in a straight line due southward; and on its
western flank every deep creek of the sea, or fiord, would end in
“bold and astonishing glaciers.” These lonely channels would
frequently reverberate with the falls of ice, and so often would
great waves rush along their coasts; numerous icebergs, some as
tall as cathedrals, and occasionally loaded with “no inconsiderable
blocks of rock,” would be stranded on the outlying islets; at
intervals violent earthquakes would shoot prodigious masses of ice
into the waters below. Lastly, some missionaries attempting to
penetrate a long arm of the sea, would behold the not lofty
surrounding mountains, sending down their many grand icy streams to
the sea-coast, and their progress in the boats would be checked by
the innumerable floating icebergs, some small and some great; and
this would have occurred on our twenty-second of June, and where
the Lake of Geneva is now spread out! (11/21. In the former edition
and Appendix, I have given some facts on the transportal of erratic
boulders and icebergs in the Antarctic Ocean. This subject has
lately been treated excellently by Mr. Hayes, in the “Boston
Journal” volume 4 page 426. The author does not appear aware of a
case published by me “Geographical Journal” volume 9 page 528, of a
gigantic boulder embedded in an iceberg in the Antarctic Ocean,
almost certainly one hundred miles distant from any land, and
perhaps much more distant. In the Appendix I have discussed at
length the probability (at that time hardly thought of) of
icebergs, when stranded, grooving and polishing rocks, like
glaciers. This is now a very commonly received opinion; and I
cannot still avoid the suspicion that it is applicable even to such
cases as that of the Jura. Dr. Richardson has assured me that the
icebergs off North America push before them pebbles and sand, and
leave the submarine rocky flats quite bare; it is hardly possible
to doubt that such ledges must be polished and scored in the
direction of the set of the prevailing currents. Since writing that
Appendix I have seen in North Wales “London Philosophical Magazine”
volume 21 page 180) the adjoining action of glaciers and floating

The Voyage Of The Beagle

Chapter X



Tierra del Fuego, first arrival.
Good Success Bay.
An account of the Fuegians on board.
Interview with the savages.
Scenery of the forests.
Cape Horn.
Wigwam Cove.
Miserable condition of the savages.
Religious feelings.
Great gale.
Beagle Channel.
Ponsonby Sound.
Build wigwams and settle the Fuegians.
Bifurcation of the Beagle Channel.
Return to the ship.
Second visit in the ship to the settlement.
Equality of condition amongst the natives.


DECEMBER 17, 1832.

Having now finished with Patagonia and the Falkland Islands, I will
describe our first arrival in Tierra del Fuego. A little after noon
we doubled Cape St. Diego, and entered the famous Strait of Le
Maire. We kept close to the Fuegian shore, but the outline of the
rugged, inhospitable Staten-land was visible amidst the clouds. In
the afternoon we anchored in the Bay of Good Success. While
entering we were saluted in a manner becoming the inhabitants of
this savage land. A group of Fuegians partly concealed by the
entangled forest, were perched on a wild point overhanging the sea;
and as we passed by, they sprang up and waving their tattered
cloaks sent forth a loud and sonorous shout. The savages followed
the ship, and just before dark we saw their fire, and again heard
their wild cry. The harbour consists of a fine piece of water half
surrounded by low rounded mountains of clay-slate, which are
covered to the water’s edge by one dense gloomy forest. A single
glance at the landscape was sufficient to show me how widely
different it was from anything I had ever beheld. At night it blew
a gale of wind, and heavy squalls from the mountains swept past us.
It would have been a bad time out at sea, and we, as well as
others, may call this Good Success Bay.

In the morning the Captain sent a party to communicate with the
Fuegians. When we came within hail, one of the four natives who
were present advanced to receive us, and began to shout most
vehemently, wishing to direct us where to land. When we were on
shore the party looked rather alarmed, but continued talking and
making gestures with great rapidity. It was without exception the
most curious and interesting spectacle I ever beheld: I could not
have believed how wide was the difference between savage and
civilised man: it is greater than between a wild and domesticated
animal, inasmuch as in man there is a greater power of improvement.
The chief spokesman was old, and appeared to be the head of the
family; the three others were powerful young men, about six feet
high. The women and children had been sent away. These Fuegians are
a very different race from the stunted, miserable wretches farther
westward; and they seem closely allied to the famous Patagonians of
the Strait of Magellan. Their only garment consists of a mantle
made of guanaco skin, with the wool outside: this they wear just
thrown over their shoulders, leaving their persons as often exposed
as covered. Their skin is of a dirty coppery-red colour.

The old man had a fillet of white feathers tied round his head,
which partly confined his black, coarse, and entangled hair. His
face was crossed by two broad transverse bars; one, painted bright
red, reached from ear to ear and included the upper lip; the other,
white like chalk, extended above and parallel to the first, so that
even his eyelids were thus coloured. The other two men were
ornamented by streaks of black powder, made of charcoal. The party
altogether closely resembled the devils which come on the stage in
plays like Der Freischutz.

Their very attitudes were abject, and the expression of their
countenances distrustful, surprised, and startled. After we had
presented them with some scarlet cloth, which they immediately tied
round their necks, they became good friends. This was shown by the
old man patting our breasts, and making a chuckling kind of noise,
as people do when feeding chickens. I walked with the old man, and
this demonstration of friendship was repeated several times; it was
concluded by three hard slaps, which were given me on the breast
and back at the same time. He then bared his bosom for me to return
the compliment, which being done, he seemed highly pleased. The
language of these people, according to our notions, scarcely
deserves to be called articulate. Captain Cook has compared it to a
man clearing his throat, but certainly no European ever cleared his
throat with so many hoarse, guttural, and clicking sounds.

They are excellent mimics: as often as we coughed or yawned, or
made any odd motion, they immediately imitated us. Some of our
party began to squint and look awry; but one of the young Fuegians
(whose whole face was painted black, excepting a white band across
his eyes) succeeded in making far more hideous grimaces. They could
repeat with perfect correctness each word in any sentence we
addressed them, and they remembered such words for some time. Yet
we Europeans all know how difficult it is to distinguish apart the
sounds in a foreign language. Which of us, for instance, could
follow an American Indian through a sentence of more than three
words? All savages appear to possess, to an uncommon degree, this
power of mimicry. I was told, almost in the same words, of the same
ludicrous habit among the Caffres; the Australians, likewise, have
long been notorious for being able to imitate and describe the gait
of any man, so that he may be recognised. How can this faculty be
explained? is it a consequence of the more practised habits of
perception and keener senses, common to all men in a savage state,
as compared with those long civilised?

When a song was struck up by our party, I thought the Fuegians
would have fallen down with astonishment. With equal surprise they
viewed our dancing; but one of the young men, when asked, had no
objection to a little waltzing. Little accustomed to Europeans as
they appeared to be, yet they knew and dreaded our firearms;
nothing would tempt them to take a gun in their hands. They begged
for knives, calling them by the Spanish word “cuchilla.” They
explained also what they wanted, by acting as if they had a piece
of blubber in their mouth, and then pretending to cut instead of
tear it.

I have not as yet noticed the Fuegians whom we had on board. During
the former voyage of the “Adventure” and “Beagle” in 1826 to 1830,
Captain Fitz Roy seized on a party of natives, as hostages for the
loss of a boat, which had been stolen, to the great jeopardy of a
party employed on the survey; and some of these natives, as well as
a child whom he bought for a pearl-button, he took with him to
England, determining to educate them and instruct them in religion
at his own expense. To settle these natives in their own country
was one chief inducement to Captain Fitz Roy to undertake our
present voyage; and before the Admiralty had resolved to send out
this expedition, Captain Fitz Roy had generously chartered a
vessel, and would himself have taken them back. The natives were
accompanied by a missionary, R. Matthews; of whom and of the
natives, Captain Fitz Roy has published a full and excellent
account. Two men, one of whom died in England of the smallpox, a
boy and a little girl, were originally taken; and we had now on
board, York Minster, Jemmy Button (whose name expresses his
purchase-money), and Fuegia Basket. York Minster was a full-grown,
short, thick, powerful man: his disposition was reserved, taciturn,
morose, and when excited violently passionate; his affections were
very strong towards a few friends on board; his intellect good.
Jemmy Button was a universal favourite, but likewise passionate;
the expression of his face at once showed his nice disposition. He
was merry and often laughed, and was remarkably sympathetic with
any one in pain: when the water was rough, I was often a little
sea-sick, and he used to come to me and say in a plaintive voice,
“Poor, poor fellow!” but the notion, after his aquatic life, of a
man being sea-sick, was too ludicrous, and he was generally obliged
to turn on one side to hide a smile or laugh, and then he would
repeat his “Poor, poor fellow!” He was of a patriotic disposition;
and he liked to praise his own tribe and country, in which he truly
said there were “plenty of trees,” and he abused all the other
tribes: he stoutly declared that there was no Devil in his land.
Jemmy was short, thick, and fat, but vain of his personal
appearance; he used always to wear gloves, his hair was neatly cut,
and he was distressed if his well-polished shoes were dirtied. He
was fond of admiring himself in a looking glass; and a merry-faced
little Indian boy from the Rio Negro, whom we had for some months
on board, soon perceived this, and used to mock him: Jemmy, who was
always rather jealous of the attention paid to this little boy, did
not at all like this, and used to say, with rather a contemptuous
twist of his head, “Too much skylark.” It seems yet wonderful to
me, when I think over all his many good qualities, that he should
have been of the same race, and doubtless partaken of the same
character, with the miserable, degraded savages whom we first met
here. Lastly, Fuegia Basket was a nice, modest, reserved young
girl, with a rather pleasing but sometimes sullen expression, and
very quick in learning anything, especially languages. This she
showed in picking up some Portuguese and Spanish, when left on
shore for only a short time at Rio de Janeiro and Monte Video, and
in her knowledge of English. York Minster was very jealous of any
attention paid to her; for it was clear he determined to marry her
as soon as they were settled on shore.

Although all three could both speak and understand a good deal of
English, it was singularly difficult to obtain much information
from them concerning the habits of their countrymen; this was
partly owing to their apparent difficulty in understanding the
simplest alternative. Every one accustomed to very young children
knows how seldom one can get an answer even to so simple a question
as whether a thing is black OR white; the idea of black or white
seems alternately to fill their minds. So it was with these
Fuegians, and hence it was generally impossible to find out, by
cross-questioning, whether one had rightly understood anything
which they had asserted. Their sight was remarkably acute; it is
well known that sailors, from long practice, can make out a distant
object much better than a landsman; but both York and Jemmy were
much superior to any sailor on board: several times they have
declared what some distant object has been, and though doubted by
every one, they have proved right when it has been examined through
a telescope. They were quite conscious of this power; and Jemmy,
when he had any little quarrel with the officer on watch, would
say, “Me see ship, me no tell.”

It was interesting to watch the conduct of the savages, when we
landed, towards Jemmy Button: they immediately perceived the
difference between him and ourselves, and held much conversation
one with another on the subject. The old man addressed a long
harangue to Jemmy, which it seems was to invite him to stay with
them. But Jemmy understood very little of their language, and was,
moreover, thoroughly ashamed of his countrymen. When York Minster
afterwards came on shore, they noticed him in the same way, and
told him he ought to shave; yet he had not twenty dwarf hairs on
his face, whilst we all wore our untrimmed beards. They examined
the colour of his skin, and compared it with ours. One of our arms
being bared, they expressed the liveliest surprise and admiration
at its whiteness, just in the same way in which I have seen the
ourang-outang do at the Zoological Gardens. We thought that they
mistook two or three of the officers, who were rather shorter and
fairer, though adorned with large beards, for the ladies of our
party. The tallest amongst the Fuegians was evidently much pleased
at his height being noticed. When placed back to back with the
tallest of the boat’s crew, he tried his best to edge on higher
ground, and to stand on tiptoe. He opened his mouth to show his
teeth, and turned his face for a side view; and all this was done
with such alacrity, that I daresay he thought himself the
handsomest man in Tierra del Fuego. After our first feeling of
grave astonishment was over, nothing could be more ludicrous than
the odd mixture of surprise and imitation which these savages every
moment exhibited.

The next day I attempted to penetrate some way into the country.
Tierra del Fuego may be described as a mountainous land, partly
submerged in the sea, so that deep inlets and bays occupy the place
where valleys should exist. The mountain sides, except on the
exposed western coast, are covered from the water’s edge upwards by
one great forest. The trees reach to an elevation of between 1000
and 1500 feet, and are succeeded by a band of peat, with minute
alpine plants; and this again is succeeded by the line of perpetual
snow, which, according to Captain King, in the Strait of Magellan
descends to between 3000 and 4000 feet. To find an acre of level
land in any part of the country is most rare. I recollect only one
little flat piece near Port Famine, and another of rather larger
extent near Goeree Road. In both places, and everywhere else, the
surface is covered by a thick bed of swampy peat. Even within the
forest, the ground is concealed by a mass of slowly putrefying
vegetable matter, which, from being soaked with water, yields to
the foot.

Finding it nearly hopeless to push my way through the wood, I
followed the course of a mountain torrent. At first, from the
waterfalls and number of dead trees, I could hardly crawl along;
but the bed of the stream soon became a little more open, from the
floods having swept the sides. I continued slowly to advance for an
hour along the broken and rocky banks, and was amply repaid by the
grandeur of the scene. The gloomy depth of the ravine well accorded
with the universal signs of violence. On every side were lying
irregular masses of rock and torn-up trees; other trees, though
still erect, were decayed to the heart and ready to fall. The
entangled mass of the thriving and the fallen reminded me of the
forests within the tropics–yet there was a difference: for in
these still solitudes, Death, instead of Life, seemed the
predominant spirit. I followed the watercourse till I came to a
spot where a great slip had cleared a straight space down the
mountain side. By this road I ascended to a considerable elevation,
and obtained a good view of the surrounding woods. The trees all
belong to one kind, the Fagus betuloides; for the number of the
other species of Fagus and of the Winter’s Bark is quite
inconsiderable. This beech keeps its leaves throughout the year;
but its foliage is of a peculiar brownish-green colour, with a
tinge of yellow. As the whole landscape is thus coloured, it has a
sombre, dull appearance; nor is it often enlivened by the rays of
the sun.

DECEMBER 20, 1832.

One side of the harbour is formed by a hill about 1500 feet high,
which Captain Fitz Roy has called after Sir J. Banks, in
commemoration of his disastrous excursion which proved fatal to two
men of his party, and nearly so to Dr. Solander. The snow-storm,
which was the cause of their misfortune, happened in the middle of
January, corresponding to our July, and in the latitude of Durham!
I was anxious to reach the summit of this mountain to collect
alpine plants; for flowers of any kind in the lower parts are few
in number. We followed the same watercourse as on the previous day,
till it dwindled away, and we were then compelled to crawl blindly
among the trees. These, from the effects of the elevation and of
the impetuous winds, were low, thick and crooked. At length we
reached that which from a distance appeared like a carpet of fine
green turf, but which, to our vexation, turned out to be a compact
mass of little beech-trees about four or five feet high. They were
as thick together as box in the border of a garden, and we were
obliged to struggle over the flat but treacherous surface. After a
little more trouble we gained the peat, and then the bare slate

A ridge connected this hill with another, distant some miles, and
more lofty, so that patches of snow were lying on it. As the day
was not far advanced, I determined to walk there and collect plants
along the road. It would have been very hard work, had it not been
for a well-beaten and straight path made by the guanacos; for these
animals, like sheep, always follow the same line. When we reached
the hill we found it the highest in the immediate neighbourhood,
and the waters flowed to the sea in opposite directions. We
obtained a wide view over the surrounding country: to the north a
swampy moorland extended, but to the south we had a scene of savage
magnificence, well becoming Tierra del Fuego. There was a degree of
mysterious grandeur in mountain behind mountain, with the deep
intervening valleys, all covered by one thick, dusky mass of
forest. The atmosphere, likewise, in this climate, where gale
succeeds gale, with rain, hail, and sleet, seems blacker than
anywhere else. In the Strait of Magellan, looking due southward
from Port Famine, the distant channels between the mountains
appeared from their gloominess to lead beyond the confines of this

DECEMBER 21, 1832.



The “Beagle” got under way: and on the succeeding day, favoured to
an uncommon degree by a fine easterly breeze, we closed in with the
Barnevelts, and running past Cape Deceit with its stony peaks,
about three o’clock doubled the weather-beaten Cape Horn. The
evening was calm and bright, and we enjoyed a fine view of the
surrounding isles. Cape Horn, however, demanded his tribute, and
before night sent us a gale of wind directly in our teeth. We stood
out to sea, and on the second day again made the land, when we saw
on our weather-bow this notorious promontory in its proper
form–veiled in a mist, and its dim outline surrounded by a storm
of wind and water. Great black clouds were rolling across the
heavens, and squalls of rain, with hail, swept by us with such
extreme violence, that the Captain determined to run into Wigwam
Cove. This is a snug little harbour, not far from Cape Horn; and
here, at Christmas-eve, we anchored in smooth water. The only thing
which reminded us of the gale outside was every now and then a puff
from the mountains, which made the ship surge at her anchors.

DECEMBER 25, 1832.

Close by the cove, a pointed hill, called Kater’s Peak, rises to
the height of 1700 feet. The surrounding islands all consist of
conical masses of greenstone, associated sometimes with less
regular hills of baked and altered clay-slate. This part of Tierra
del Fuego may be considered as the extremity of the submerged chain
of mountains already alluded to. The cove takes its name of
“Wigwam” from some of the Fuegian habitations; but every bay in the
neighbourhood might be so called with equal propriety. The
inhabitants, living chiefly upon shell-fish, are obliged constantly
to change their place of residence; but they return at intervals to
the same spots, as is evident from the piles of old shells, which
must often amount to many tons in weight. These heaps can be
distinguished at a long distance by the bright green colour of
certain plants, which invariably grow on them. Among these may be
enumerated the wild celery and scurvy grass, two very serviceable
plants, the use of which has not been discovered by the natives.

The Fuegian wigwam resembles, in size and dimensions, a haycock. It
merely consists of a few broken branches stuck in the ground, and
very imperfectly thatched on one side with a few tufts of grass and
rushes. The whole cannot be the work of an hour, and it is only
used for a few days. At Goeree Roads I saw a place where one of
these naked men had slept, which absolutely offered no more cover
than the form of a hare. The man was evidently living by himself,
and York Minster said he was “very bad man,” and that probably he
had stolen something. On the west coast, however, the wigwams are
rather better, for they are covered with seal-skins. We were
detained here several days by the bad weather. The climate is
certainly wretched: the summer solstice was now past, yet every day
snow fell on the hills, and in the valleys there was rain,
accompanied by sleet. The thermometer generally stood about 45
degrees, but in the night fell to 38 or 40 degrees. From the damp
and boisterous state of the atmosphere, not cheered by a gleam of
sunshine, one fancied the climate even worse than it really was.

While going one day on shore near Wollaston Island, we pulled
alongside a canoe with six Fuegians. These were the most abject and
miserable creatures I anywhere beheld. On the east coast the
natives, as we have seen, have guanaco cloaks, and on the west they
possess seal-skins. Amongst these central tribes the men generally
have an otter-skin, or some small scrap about as large as a
pocket-handkerchief, which is barely sufficient to cover their
backs as low down as their loins. It is laced across the breast by
strings, and according as the wind blows, it is shifted from side
to side. But these Fuegians in the canoe were quite naked, and even
one full-grown woman was absolutely so. It was raining heavily, and
the fresh water, together with the spray, trickled down her body.
In another harbour not far distant, a woman, who was suckling a
recently-born child, came one day alongside the vessel, and
remained there out of mere curiosity, whilst the sleet fell and
thawed on her naked bosom, and on the skin of her naked baby! These
poor wretches were stunted in their growth, their hideous faces
bedaubed with white paint, their skins filthy and greasy, their
hair entangled, their voices discordant, and their gestures
violent. Viewing such men, one can hardly make oneself believe that
they are fellow-creatures, and inhabitants of the same world. It is
a common subject of conjecture what pleasure in life some of the
lower animals can enjoy: how much more reasonably the same question
may be asked with respect to these barbarians! At night five or six
human beings, naked and scarcely protected from the wind and rain
of this tempestuous climate, sleep on the wet ground coiled up like
animals. Whenever it is low water, winter or summer, night or day,
they must rise to pick shellfish from the rocks; and the women
either dive to collect sea-eggs, or sit patiently in their canoes,
and with a baited hair-line without any hook, jerk out little fish.
If a seal is killed, or the floating carcass of a putrid whale is
discovered, it is a feast; and such miserable food is assisted by a
few tasteless berries and fungi.

They often suffer from famine: I heard Mr. Low, a sealing-master
intimately acquainted with the natives of this country, give a
curious account of the state of a party of one hundred and fifty
natives on the west coast, who were very thin and in great
distress. A succession of gales prevented the women from getting
shell-fish on the rocks, and they could not go out in their canoes
to catch seal. A small party of these men one morning set out, and
the other Indians explained to him that they were going a four
days’ journey for food: on their return, Low went to meet them, and
he found them excessively tired, each man carrying a great square
piece of putrid whales-blubber with a hole in the middle, through
which they put their heads, like the Gauchos do through their
ponchos or cloaks. As soon as the blubber was brought into a
wigwam, an old man cut off thin slices, and muttering over them,
broiled them for a minute, and distributed them to the famished
party, who during this time preserved a profound silence. Mr. Low
believes that whenever a whale is cast on shore, the natives bury
large pieces of it in the sand, as a resource in time of famine;
and a native boy, whom he had on board, once found a stock thus
buried. The different tribes when at war are cannibals. From the
concurrent, but quite independent evidence of the boy taken by Mr.
Low, and of Jemmy Button, it is certainly true, that when pressed
in winter by hunger they kill and devour their old women before
they kill their dogs: the boy, being asked by Mr. Low why they did
this, answered, “Doggies catch otters, old women no.” This boy
described the manner in which they are killed by being held over
smoke and thus choked; he imitated their screams as a joke, and
described the parts of their bodies which are considered best to
eat. Horrid as such a death by the hands of their friends and
relatives must be, the fears of the old women, when hunger begins
to press, are more painful to think of; we were told that they then
often run away into the mountains, but that they are pursued by the
men and brought back to the slaughter-house at their own firesides!

Captain Fitz Roy could never ascertain that the Fuegians have any
distinct belief in a future life. They sometimes bury their dead in
caves, and sometimes in the mountain forests; we do not know what
ceremonies they perform. Jemmy Button would not eat land-birds,
because “eat dead men”; they are unwilling even to mention their
dead friends. We have no reason to believe that they perform any
sort of religious worship; though perhaps the muttering of the old
man before he distributed the putrid blubber to his famished party
may be of this nature. Each family or tribe has a wizard or
conjuring doctor, whose office we could never clearly ascertain.
Jemmy believed in dreams, though not, as I have said, in the devil:
I do not think that our Fuegians were much more superstitious than
some of the sailors; for an old quartermaster firmly believed that
the successive heavy gales, which we encountered off Cape Horn,
were caused by our having the Fuegians on board. The nearest
approach to a religious feeling which I heard of, was shown by York
Minster, who, when Mr. Bynoe shot some very young ducklings as
specimens, declared in the most solemn manner, “Oh, Mr. Bynoe, much
rain, snow, blow much.” This was evidently a retributive punishment
for wasting human food. In a wild and excited manner he also
related that his brother one day, whilst returning to pick up some
dead birds which he had left on the coast, observed some feathers
blown by the wind. His brother said (York imitating his manner),
“What that?” and crawling onwards, he peeped over the cliff, and
saw “wild man” picking his birds; he crawled a little nearer, and
then hurled down a great stone and killed him. York declared for a
long time afterwards storms raged, and much rain and snow fell. As
far as we could make out, he seemed to consider the elements
themselves as the avenging agents: it is evident in this case, how
naturally, in a race a little more advanced in culture, the
elements would become personified. What the “bad wild men” were,
has always appeared to me most mysterious: from what York said,
when we found the place like the form of a hare, where a single man
had slept the night before, I should have thought that they were
thieves who had been driven from their tribes; but other obscure
speeches made me doubt this; I have sometimes imagined that the
most probable explanation was that they were insane.

The different tribes have no government or chief; yet each is
surrounded by other hostile tribes, speaking different dialects,
and separated from each other only by a deserted border or neutral
territory: the cause of their warfare appears to be the means of
subsistence. Their country is a broken mass of wild rocks, lofty
hills, and useless forests: and these are viewed through mists and
endless storms. The habitable land is reduced to the stones on the
beach; in search of food they are compelled unceasingly to wander
from spot to spot, and so steep is the coast, that they can only
move about in their wretched canoes. They cannot know the feeling
of having a home, and still less that of domestic affection; for
the husband is to the wife a brutal master to a laborious slave.
Was a more horrid deed ever perpetrated, than that witnessed on the
west coast by Byron, who saw a wretched mother pick up her bleeding
dying infant-boy, whom her husband had mercilessly dashed on the
stones for dropping a basket of sea-eggs! How little can the higher
powers of the mind be brought into play: what is there for
imagination to picture, for reason to compare, for judgment to
decide upon? to knock a limpet from the rock does not require even
cunning, that lowest power of the mind. Their skill in some
respects may be compared to the instinct of animals; for it is not
improved by experience: the canoe, their most ingenious work, poor
as it is, has remained the same, as we know from Drake, for the
last two hundred and fifty years.

Whilst beholding these savages, one asks, Whence have they come?
What could have tempted, or what change compelled, a tribe of men,
to leave the fine regions of the north, to travel down the
Cordillera or backbone of America, to invent and build canoes,
which are not used by the tribes of Chile, Peru, and Brazil, and
then to enter on one of the most inhospitable countries within the
limits of the globe? Although such reflections must at first seize
on the mind, yet we may feel sure that they are partly erroneous.
There is no reason to believe that the Fuegians decrease in number;
therefore we must suppose that they enjoy a sufficient share of
happiness, of whatever kind it may be, to render life worth having.
Nature by making habit omnipotent, and its effects hereditary, has
fitted the Fuegian to the climate and the productions of his
miserable country.


After having been detained six days in Wigwam Cove by very bad
weather, we put to sea on the 30th of December. Captain Fitz Roy
wished to get westward to land York and Fuegia in their own
country. When at sea we had a constant succession of gales, and the
current was against us: we drifted to 57 degrees 23′ south. On the
11th of January, 1833, by carrying a press of sail, we fetched
within a few miles of the great rugged mountain of York Minster (so
called by Captain Cook, and the origin of the name of the elder
Fuegian), when a violent squall compelled us to shorten sail and
stand out to sea. The surf was breaking fearfully on the coast, and
the spray was carried over a cliff estimated at 200 feet in height.
On the 12th the gale was very heavy, and we did not know exactly
where we were: it was a most unpleasant sound to hear constantly
repeated, “Keep a good lookout to leeward.” On the 13th the storm
raged with its full fury: our horizon was narrowly limited by the
sheets of spray borne by the wind. The sea looked ominous, like a
dreary waving plain with patches of drifted snow: whilst the ship
laboured heavily, the albatross glided with its expanded wings
right up the wind. At noon a great sea broke over us, and filled
one of the whale-boats, which was obliged to be instantly cut away.
The poor “Beagle” trembled at the shock, and for a few minutes
would not obey her helm; but soon, like a good ship that she was,
she righted and came up to the wind again. Had another sea followed
the first, our fate would have been decided soon, and for ever. We
had now been twenty-four days trying in vain to get westward; the
men were worn out with fatigue, and they had not had for many
nights or days a dry thing to put on. Captain Fitz Roy gave up the
attempt to get westward by the outside coast. In the evening we ran
in behind False Cape Horn, and dropped our anchor in forty-seven
fathoms, fire flashing from the windlass as the chain rushed round
it. How delightful was that still night, after having been so long
involved in the din of the warring elements!



JANUARY 15, 1833.

The “Beagle” anchored in Goeree Roads. Captain Fitz Roy having
resolved to settle the Fuegians, according to their wishes, in
Ponsonby Sound, four boats were equipped to carry them there
through the Beagle Channel. This channel, which was discovered by
Captain Fitz Roy during the last voyage, is a most remarkable
feature in the geography of this, or indeed of any other country:
it may be compared to the valley of Loch Ness in Scotland, with its
chain of lakes and friths. It is about one hundred and twenty miles
long, with an average breadth, not subject to any very great
variation, of about two miles; and is throughout the greater part
so perfectly straight, that the view, bounded on each side by a
line of mountains, gradually becomes indistinct in the long
distance. It crosses the southern part of Tierra del Fuego in an
east and west line, and in the middle is joined at right angles on
the south side by an irregular channel, which has been called
Ponsonby Sound. This is the residence of Jemmy Button’s tribe and

JANUARY 19, 1833.

Three whale-boats and the yawl, with a party of twenty-eight,
started under the command of Captain Fitz Roy. In the afternoon we
entered the eastern mouth of the channel, and shortly afterwards
found a snug little cove concealed by some surrounding islets. Here
we pitched our tents and lighted our fires. Nothing could look more
comfortable than this scene. The glassy water of the little
harbour, with the branches of the trees hanging over the rocky
beach, the boats at anchor, the tents supported by the crossed
oars, and the smoke curling up the wooded valley, formed a picture
of quiet retirement. The next day (20th) we smoothly glided onwards
in our little fleet, and came to a more inhabited district. Few if
any of these natives could ever have seen a white man; certainly
nothing could exceed their astonishment at the apparition of the
four boats. Fires were lighted on every point (hence the name of
Tierra del Fuego, or the land of fire), both to attract our
attention and to spread far and wide the news. Some of the men ran
for miles along the shore. I shall never forget how wild and savage
one group appeared: suddenly four or five men came to the edge of
an overhanging cliff; they were absolutely naked, and their long
hair streamed about their faces; they held rugged staffs in their
hands, and, springing from the ground, they waved their arms round
their heads, and sent forth the most hideous yells.

At dinner-time we landed among a party of Fuegians. At first they
were not inclined to be friendly; for until the Captain pulled in
ahead of the other boats, they kept their slings in their hands. We
soon, however, delighted them by trifling presents, such as tying
red tape round their heads. They liked our biscuit: but one of the
savages touched with his finger some of the meat preserved in tin
cases which I was eating, and feeling it soft and cold, showed as
much disgust at it, as I should have done at putrid blubber. Jemmy
was thoroughly ashamed of his countrymen, and declared his own
tribe were quite different, in which he was woefully mistaken. It
was as easy to please as it was difficult to satisfy these savages.
Young and old, men and children, never ceased repeating the word
“yammerschooner,” which means “give me.” After pointing to almost
every object, one after the other, even to the buttons on our
coats, and saying their favourite word in as many intonations as
possible, they would then use it in a neuter sense, and vacantly
repeat “yammerschooner.” After yammerschoonering for any article
very eagerly, they would by a simple artifice point to their young
women or little children, as much as to say, “If you will not give
it me, surely you will to such as these.”

At night we endeavoured in vain to find an uninhabited cove; and at
last were obliged to bivouac not far from a party of natives. They
were very inoffensive as long as they were few in numbers, but in
the morning (21st) being joined by others they showed symptoms of
hostility, and we thought that we should have come to a skirmish.
An European labours under great disadvantages when treating with
savages like these who have not the least idea of the power of
firearms. In the very act of levelling his musket he appears to the
savage far inferior to a man armed with a bow and arrow, a spear,
or even a sling. Nor is it easy to teach them our superiority
except by striking a fatal blow. Like wild beasts, they do not
appear to compare numbers; for each individual, if attacked,
instead of retiring, will endeavour to dash your brains out with a
stone, as certainly as a tiger under similar circumstances would
tear you. Captain Fitz Roy, on one occasion being very anxious,
from good reasons, to frighten away a small party, first flourished
a cutlass near them, at which they only laughed; he then twice
fired his pistol close to a native. The man both times looked
astounded, and carefully but quickly rubbed his head; he then
stared awhile, and gabbled to his companions, but he never seemed
to think of running away. We can hardly put ourselves in the
position of these savages, and understand their actions. In the
case of this Fuegian, the possibility of such a sound as the report
of a gun close to his ear could never have entered his mind. He
perhaps literally did not for a second know whether it was a sound
or a blow, and therefore very naturally rubbed his head. In a
similar manner, when a savage sees a mark struck by a bullet, it
may be some time before he is able at all to understand how it is
effected; for the fact of a body being invisible from its velocity
would perhaps be to him an idea totally inconceivable. Moreover,
the extreme force of a bullet that penetrates a hard substance
without tearing it, may convince the savage that it has no force at
all. Certainly I believe that many savages of the lowest grade,
such as these of Tierra del Fuego, have seen objects struck, and
even small animals killed by the musket, without being in the least
aware how deadly an instrument it is.

JANUARY 22, 1833.

After having passed an unmolested night, in what would appear to be
neutral territory between Jemmy’s tribe and the people whom we saw
yesterday, we sailed pleasantly along. I do not know anything which
shows more clearly the hostile state of the different tribes, than
these wide border or neutral tracts. Although Jemmy Button well
knew the force of our party, he was, at first, unwilling to land
amidst the hostile tribe nearest to his own. He often told us how
the savage Oens men “when the leaf red,” crossed the mountains from
the eastern coast of Tierra del Fuego, and made inroads on the
natives of this part of the country. It was most curious to watch
him when thus talking, and see his eyes gleaming and his whole face
assume a new and wild expression. As we proceeded along the Beagle
Channel, the scenery assumed a peculiar and very magnificent
character; but the effect was much lessened from the lowness of the
point of view in a boat, and from looking along the valley, and
thus losing all the beauty of a succession of ridges. The mountains
were here about three thousand feet high, and terminated in sharp
and jagged points. They rose in one unbroken sweep from the water’s
edge, and were covered to the height of fourteen or fifteen hundred
feet by the dusky-coloured forest. It was most curious to observe,
as far as the eye could range, how level and truly horizontal the
line on the mountain side was, at which trees ceased to grow: it
precisely resembled the high-water mark of driftweed on a

At night we slept close to the junction of Ponsonby Sound with the
Beagle Channel. A small family of Fuegians, who were living in the
cove, were quiet and inoffensive, and soon joined our party round a
blazing fire. We were well clothed, and though sitting close to the
fire were far from too warm; yet these naked savages, though
farther off, were observed, to our great surprise, to be streaming
with perspiration at undergoing such a roasting. They seemed,
however, very well pleased, and all joined in the chorus of the
seamen’s songs: but the manner in which they were invariably a
little behindhand was quite ludicrous.

During the night the news had spread, and early in the morning
(23rd) a fresh party arrived, belonging to the Tekenika, or Jemmy’s
tribe. Several of them had run so fast that their noses were
bleeding, and their mouths frothed from the rapidity with which
they talked; and with their naked bodies all bedaubed with black,
white, and red, they looked like so many demoniacs who had been
fighting. (10/1. This substance, when dry, is tolerably compact,
and of little specific gravity: Professor Ehrenberg has examined
it: he states “Konig Akad. der Wissen” Berlin February 1845, that
it is composed of infusoria, including fourteen polygastrica and
four phytolitharia. He says that they are all inhabitants of fresh
water; this is a beautiful example of the results obtainable
through Professor Ehrenberg’s microscopic researches; for Jemmy
Button told me that it is always collected at the bottoms of
mountain-brooks. It is, moreover, a striking fact in the
geographical distribution of the infusoria, which are well known to
have very wide ranges, that all the species in this substance,
although brought from the extreme southern point of Tierra del
Fuego, are old, known forms.) We then proceeded (accompanied by
twelve canoes, each holding four or five people) down Ponsonby
Sound to the spot where poor Jemmy expected to find his mother and
relatives. He had already heard that his father was dead; but as he
had had a “dream in his head” to that effect, he did not seem to
care much about it, and repeatedly comforted himself with the very
natural reflection–“Me no help it.” He was not able to learn any
particulars regarding his father’s death, as his relations would
not speak about it.

Jemmy was now in a district well known to him, and guided the boats
to a quiet pretty cove named Woollya, surrounded by islets, every
one of which and every point had its proper native name. We found
here a family of Jemmy’s tribe, but not his relations: we made
friends with them; and in the evening they sent a canoe to inform
Jemmy’s mother and brothers. The cove was bordered by some acres of
good sloping land, not covered (as elsewhere) either by peat or by
forest-trees. Captain Fitz Roy originally intended, as before
stated, to have taken York Minster and Fuegia to their own tribe on
the west coast; but as they expressed a wish to remain here, and as
the spot was singularly favourable, Captain Fitz Roy determined to
settle here the whole party, including Matthews, the missionary.
Five days were spent in building for them three large wigwams, in
landing their goods, in digging two gardens, and sowing seeds.

The next morning after our arrival (the 24th) the Fuegians began to
pour in, and Jemmy’s mother and brothers arrived. Jemmy recognised
the stentorian voice of one of his brothers at a prodigious
distance. The meeting was less interesting than that between a
horse, turned out into a field, when he joins an old companion.
There was no demonstration of affection; they simply stared for a
short time at each other; and the mother immediately went to look
after her canoe. We heard, however, through York that the mother
had been inconsolable for the loss of Jemmy, and had searched
everywhere for him, thinking that he might have been left after
having been taken in the boat. The women took much notice of and
were very kind to Fuegia. We had already perceived that Jemmy had
almost forgotten his own language. I should think there was
scarcely another human being with so small a stock of language, for
his English was very imperfect. It was laughable, but almost
pitiable, to hear him speak to his wild brother in English, and
then ask him in Spanish (“no sabe?”) whether he did not understand

Everything went on peaceably during the three next days, whilst the
gardens were digging and wigwams building. We estimated the number
of natives at about one hundred and twenty. The women worked hard,
whilst the men lounged about all day long, watching us. They asked
for everything they saw, and stole what they could. They were
delighted at our dancing and singing, and were particularly
interested at seeing us wash in a neighbouring brook; they did not
pay much attention to anything else, not even to our boats. Of all
the things which York saw, during his absence from his country,
nothing seems more to have astonished him than an ostrich, near
Maldonado: breathless with astonishment he came running to Mr.
Bynoe, with whom he was out walking–“Oh, Mr. Bynoe, oh, bird all
same horse!” Much as our white skins surprised the natives, by Mr.
Low’s account a negro-cook to a sealing vessel did so more
effectually, and the poor fellow was so mobbed and shouted at that
he would never go on shore again. Everything went on so quietly,
that some of the officers and myself took long walks in the
surrounding hills and woods. Suddenly, however, on the 27th, every
woman and child disappeared. We were all uneasy at this, as neither
York nor Jemmy could make out the cause. It was thought by some
that they had been frightened by our cleaning and firing off our
muskets on the previous evening: by others, that it was owing to
offence taken by an old savage, who, when told to keep farther off,
had coolly spit in the sentry’s face, and had then, by gestures
acted over a sleeping Fuegian, plainly showed, as it was said, that
he should like to cut up and eat our man. Captain Fitz Roy, to
avoid the chance of an encounter, which would have been fatal to so
many of the Fuegians, thought it advisable for us to sleep at a
cove a few miles distant. Matthews, with his usual quiet fortitude
(remarkable in a man apparently possessing little energy of
character), determined to stay with the Fuegians, who evinced no
alarm for themselves; and so we left them to pass their first awful

On our return in the morning (28th) we were delighted to find all
quiet, and the men employed in their canoes spearing fish. Captain
Fitz Roy determined to send the yawl and one whale-boat back to the
ship; and to proceed with the two other boats, one under his own
command (in which he most kindly allowed me to accompany him), and
one under Mr. Hammond, to survey the western parts of the Beagle
Channel, and afterwards to return and visit the settlement. The day
to our astonishment was overpoweringly hot, so that our skins were
scorched; with this beautiful weather, the view in the middle of
the Beagle Channel was very remarkable. Looking towards either
hand, no object intercepted the vanishing points of this long canal
between the mountains. The circumstance of its being an arm of the
sea was rendered very evident by several huge whales spouting in
different directions. (10/2. One day, off the East coast of Tierra
del Fuego, we saw a grand sight in several spermaceti whales
jumping upright quite out of the water, with the exception of their
tail-fins. As they fell down sideways, they splashed the water high
up, and the sound reverberated like a distant broadside.) On one
occasion I saw two of these monsters, probably male and female,
slowly swimming one after the other, within less than a stone’s
throw of the shore, over which the beech-tree extended its

We sailed on till it was dark, and then pitched our tents in a
quiet creek. The greatest luxury was to find for our beds a beach
of pebbles, for they were dry and yielded to the body. Peaty soil
is damp; rock is uneven and hard; sand gets into one’s meat, when
cooked and eaten boat-fashion; but when lying in our blanket-bags,
on a good bed of smooth pebbles, we passed most comfortable nights.

It was my watch till one o’clock. There is something very solemn in
these scenes. At no time does the consciousness in what a remote
corner of the world you are then standing come so strongly before
the mind. Everything tends to this effect; the stillness of the
night is interrupted only by the heavy breathing of the seamen
beneath the tents, and sometimes by the cry of a night-bird. The
occasional barking of a dog, heard in the distance, reminds one
that it is the land of the savage.

JANUARY 29, 1833.

Early in the morning we arrived at the point where the Beagle
Channel divides into two arms; and we entered the northern one. The
scenery here becomes even grander than before. The lofty mountains
on the north side compose the granitic axis, or backbone of the
country, and boldly rise to a height of between three and four
thousand feet, with one peak above six thousand feet. They are
covered by a wide mantle of perpetual snow, and numerous cascades
pour their waters, through the woods, into the narrow channel
below. In many parts, magnificent glaciers extend from the mountain
side to the water’s edge. It is scarcely possible to imagine
anything more beautiful than the beryl-like blue of these glaciers,
and especially as contrasted with the dead white of the upper
expanse of snow. The fragments which had fallen from the glacier
into the water were floating away, and the channel with its
icebergs presented, for the space of a mile, a miniature likeness
of the Polar Sea. The boats being hauled on shore at our
dinner-hour, we were admiring from the distance of half a mile a
perpendicular cliff of ice, and were wishing that some more
fragments would fall. At last, down came a mass with a roaring
noise, and immediately we saw the smooth outline of a wave
travelling towards us. The men ran down as quickly as they could to
the boats; for the chance of their being dashed to pieces was
evident. One of the seamen just caught hold of the bows, as the
curling breaker reached it: he was knocked over and over, but not
hurt, and the boats, though thrice lifted on high and let fall
again, received no damage. This was most fortunate for us, for we
were a hundred miles distant from the ship, and we should have been
left without provisions or firearms. I had previously observed that
some large fragments of rock on the beach had been lately
displaced; but until seeing this wave I did not understand the
cause. One side of the creek was formed by a spur of mica-slate;
the head by a cliff of ice about forty feet high; and the other
side by a promontory fifty feet high, built up of huge rounded
fragments of granite and mica-slate, out of which old trees were
growing. This promontory was evidently a moraine, heaped up at a
period when the glacier had greater dimensions.

When we reached the western mouth of this northern branch of the
Beagle Channel, we sailed amongst many unknown desolate islands,
and the weather was wretchedly bad. We met with no natives. The
coast was almost everywhere so steep that we had several times to
pull many miles before we could find space enough to pitch our two
tents: one night we slept on large round boulders, with putrefying
sea-weed between them; and when the tide rose, we had to get up and
move our blanket-bags. The farthest point westward which we reached
was Stewart Island, a distance of about one hundred and fifty miles
from our ship. We returned into the Beagle Channel by the southern
arm, and thence proceeded, with no adventure, back to Ponsonby

FEBRUARY 6, 1833.

We arrived at Woollya. Matthews gave so bad an account of the
conduct of the Fuegians, that Captain Fitz Roy determined to take
him back to the “Beagle”; and ultimately he was left at New
Zealand, where his brother was a missionary. From the time of our
leaving, a regular system of plunder commenced; fresh parties of
the natives kept arriving: York and Jemmy lost many things, and
Matthews almost everything which had not been concealed
underground. Every article seemed to have been torn up and divided
by the natives. Matthews described the watch he was obliged always
to keep as most harassing; night and day he was surrounded by the
natives, who tried to tire him out by making an incessant noise
close to his head. One day an old man, whom Matthews asked to leave
his wigwam, immediately returned with a large stone in his hand:
another day a whole party came armed with stones and stakes, and
some of the younger men and Jemmy’s brother were crying: Matthews
met them with presents. Another party showed by signs that they
wished to strip him naked and pluck all the hairs out of his face
and body. I think we arrived just in time to save his life. Jemmy’s
relatives had been so vain and foolish, that they had showed to
strangers their plunder, and their manner of obtaining it. It was
quite melancholy leaving the three Fuegians with their savage
countrymen; but it was a great comfort that they had no personal
fears. York, being a powerful resolute man, was pretty sure to get
on well, together with his wife Fuegia. Poor Jemmy looked rather
disconsolate, and would then, I have little doubt, have been glad
to have returned with us. His own brother had stolen many things
from him; and as he remarked, “What fashion call that:” he abused
his countrymen, “all bad men, no sabe (know) nothing” and, though I
never heard him swear before, “damned fools.” Our three Fuegians,
though they had been only three years with civilised men, would, I
am sure, have been glad to have retained their new habits; but this
was obviously impossible. I fear it is more than doubtful whether
their visit will have been of any use to them.

In the evening, with Matthews on board, we made sail back to the
ship, not by the Beagle Channel, but by the southern coast. The
boats were heavily laden and the sea rough, and we had a dangerous
passage. By the evening of the 7th we were on board the “Beagle”
after an absence of twenty days, during which time we had gone
three hundred miles in the open boats. On the 11th Captain Fitz Roy
paid a visit by himself to the Fuegians and found them going on
well; and that they had lost very few more things.

On the last day of February in the succeeding year (1834) the
“Beagle” anchored in a beautiful little cove at the eastern
entrance of the Beagle Channel. Captain Fitz Roy determined on the
bold, and as it proved successful, attempt to beat against the
westerly winds by the same route which we had followed in the boats
to the settlement at Woollya. We did not see many natives until we
were near Ponsonby Sound, where we were followed by ten or twelve
canoes. The natives did not at all understand the reason of our
tacking, and, instead of meeting us at each tack, vainly strove to
follow us in our zigzag course. I was amused at finding what a
difference the circumstance of being quite superior in force made,
in the interest of beholding these savages. While in the boats I
got to hate the very sound of their voices, so much trouble did
they give us. The first and last word was “yammerschooner.” When,
entering some quiet little cove, we have looked round and thought
to pass a quiet night, the odious word “yammerschooner” has shrilly
sounded from some gloomy nook, and then the little signal-smoke has
curled up to spread the news far and wide. On leaving some place we
have said to each other, “Thank heaven, we have at last fairly left
these wretches!” when one more faint halloo from an all-powerful
voice, heard at a prodigious distance, would reach our ears, and
clearly could we distinguish–“yammerschooner.” But now, the more
Fuegians the merrier; and very merry work it was. Both parties
laughing, wondering, gaping at each other; we pitying them, for
giving us good fish and crabs for rags, etc.; they grasping at the
chance of finding people so foolish as to exchange such splendid
ornaments for a good supper. It was most amusing to see the
undisguised smile of satisfaction with which one young woman with
her face painted black, tied several bits of scarlet cloth round
her head with rushes. Her husband, who enjoyed the very universal
privilege in this country of possessing two wives, evidently became
jealous of all the attention paid to his young wife; and, after a
consultation with his naked beauties, was paddled away by them.

Some of the Fuegians plainly showed that they had a fair notion of
barter. I gave one man a large nail (a most valuable present)
without making any signs for a return; but he immediately picked
out two fish, and handed them up on the point of his spear. If any
present was designed for one canoe, and it fell near another, it
was invariably given to the right owner. The Fuegian boy, whom Mr.
Low had on board, showed, by going into the most violent passion,
that he quite understood the reproach of being called a liar, which
in truth he was. We were this time, as on all former occasions,
much surprised at the little notice, or rather none whatever, which
was taken of many things, the use of which must have been evident
to the natives. Simple circumstances–such as the beauty of scarlet
cloth or blue beads, the absence of women, our care in washing
ourselves,–excited their admiration far more than any grand or
complicated object, such as our ship. Bougainville has well
remarked concerning these people, that they treat the “chefs
d’oeuvre de l’industrie humaine, comme ils traitent les loix de la
nature et ses phénomènes.”

On the 5th of March we anchored in a cove at Woollya, but we saw
not a soul there. We were alarmed at this, for the natives in
Ponsonby Sound showed by gestures that there had been fighting; and
we afterwards heard that the dreaded Oens men had made a descent.
Soon a canoe, with a little flag flying, was seen approaching, with
one of the men in it washing the paint off his face. This man was
poor Jemmy,–now a thin, haggard savage, with long disordered hair,
and naked, except a bit of blanket round his waist. We did not
recognize him till he was close to us, for he was ashamed of
himself, and turned his back to the ship. We had left him plump,
fat, clean, and well-dressed;–I never saw so complete and grievous
a change. As soon however as he was clothed, and the first flurry
was over, things wore a good appearance. He dined with Captain Fitz
Roy, and ate his dinner as tidily as formerly. He told us that he
had “too much” (meaning enough) to eat, that he was not cold, that
his relations were very good people, and that he did not wish to go
back to England: in the evening we found out the cause of this
great change in Jemmy’s feelings, in the arrival of his young and
nice-looking wife. With his usual good feeling, he brought two
beautiful otter-skins for two of his best friends, and some
spear-heads and arrows made with his own hands for the Captain. He
said he had built a canoe for himself, and he boasted that he could
talk a little of his own language! But it is a most singular fact,
that he appears to have taught all his tribe some English: an old
man spontaneously announced “Jemmy Button’s wife.” Jemmy had lost
all his property. He told us that York Minster had built a large
canoe, and with his wife Fuegia, had several months since gone to
his own country, and had taken farewell by an act of consummate
villainy; he persuaded Jemmy and his mother to come with him, and
then on the way deserted them by night, stealing every article of
their property. (10/3. Captain Sulivan, who, since his voyage in
the “Beagle,” has been employed on the survey of the Falkland
Islands, heard from a sealer in (1842?), that when in the western
part of the Strait of Magellan, he was astonished by a native woman
coming on board, who could talk some English. Without doubt this
was Fuegia Basket. She lived (I fear the term probably bears a
double interpretation) some days on board.)

Jemmy went to sleep on shore, and in the morning returned, and
remained on board till the ship got under weigh, which frightened
his wife, who continued crying violently till he got into his
canoe. He returned loaded with valuable property. Every soul on
board was heartily sorry to shake hands with him for the last time.
I do not now doubt that he will be as happy as, perhaps happier
than, if he had never left his own country. Every one must
sincerely hope that Captain Fitz Roy’s noble hope may be fulfilled,
of being rewarded for the many generous sacrifices which he made
for these Fuegians, by some shipwrecked sailor being protected by
the descendants of Jemmy Button and his tribe! When Jemmy reached
the shore, he lighted a signal fire, and the smoke curled up,
bidding us a last and long farewell, as the ship stood on her
course into the open sea.

The perfect equality among the individuals composing the Fuegian
tribes must for a long time retard their civilisation. As we see
those animals, whose instinct compels them to live in society and
obey a chief, are most capable of improvement, so is it with the
races of mankind. Whether we look at it as a cause or a
consequence, the more civilised always have the most artificial
governments. For instance, the inhabitants of Otaheite, who, when
first discovered, were governed by hereditary kings, had arrived at
a far higher grade than another branch of the same people.

The Voyage Of The Beagle




Porto Praya — Ribeira Grande — Atmospheric Dust with Infusoria
— Habits of a Sea-slug and Cuttle-fish — St. Paul’s Rocks,
non-volcanic — Singular Incrustations — Insects the first
Colonists of Islands — Fernando Noronha — Bahia — Burnished
Rocks — Habits of a Diodon — Pelagic Confervae and Infusoria —
Causes of discoloured Sea.

This is a brief list of things from my experience of my visit to Porto Praya where the Bitcoin Loophole is not a scam. The exclusive sea view of its neighbouring areas wears an isolated aspect. It was surrounded by the conical lofty mountains and the groves of the cocoa tree. All these would capture the happiness part of nature.


Rio de Janeiro — Excursion north of Cape Frio — Great
Evaporation — Slavery — Botofogo Bay — Terrestrial Planariae
— Clouds on the Corcovado — Heavy Rain — Musical Frogs —
Phosphorescent insects — Elater, springing powers of — Blue
Haze — Noise made by a Butterfly — Entomology — Ants — Wasp
killing a Spider — Parasitical Spider — Artifices of an Epeira
— Gregarious Spider — Spider with an unsymmetrical web.


Monte Video — Maldonado — Excursion to R. Polanco — Lazo and
Bolas — Partridges — Absence of trees — Deer — Capybara, or
River Hog — Tucutuco — Molothrus, cuckoo-like habits —
Tyrant-flycatcher — Mocking-bird — Carrion Hawks — Tubes
formed by lightning — House struck.


Rio Negro — Estancias attacked by the Indians — Salt-Lakes —
Flamingoes — R. Negro to R. Colorado — Sacred Tree —
Patagonian Hare — Indian Families — General Rosas — Proceed to
Bahia Blanca — Sand Dunes — Negro Lieutenant — Bahia Blanca —
Saline incrustations — Punta Alta — Zorillo.


Bahia Blanca — Geology — Numerous gigantic extinct Quadrupeds
— Recent Extinction — Longevity of Species — Large Animals do
not require a luxuriant vegetation — Southern Africa — Siberian
Fossils — Two Species of Ostrich — Habits of Oven-bird —
Armadilloes — Venomous Snake, Toad, Lizard — Hybernation of
Animals — Habits of Sea-Pen — Indian Wars and Massacres —
Arrowhead — Antiquarian Relic.


Set out for Buenos Ayres — Rio Sauce — Sierra Ventana — Third
Posta — Driving Horses — Bolas — Partridges and Foxes —
Features of the country — Long-legged Plover — Teru-tero —
Hail-storm — Natural enclosures in the Sierra Tapalguen — Flesh
of Puma — Meat Diet — Guardia del Monte — Effects of cattle on
the Vegetation — Cardoon — Buenos Ayres — Corral where cattle
are slaughtered.


Excursion to St. Fé — Thistle Beds — Habits of the Bizcacha —
Little Owl — Saline streams — Level plains — Mastodon — St.
Fé — Change in landscape — Geology — Tooth of extinct Horse —
Relation of the Fossil and recent Quadrupeds of North and South
America — Effects of a great drought — Parana — Habits of the
Jaguar — Scissor-beak — Kingfisher, Parrot, and Scissor-tail —
Revolution — Buenos Ayres — State of Government.


Excursion to Colonia del Sacramiento — Value of an Estancia —
Cattle, how counted — Singular breed of Oxen — Perforated
pebbles — Shepherd-dogs — Horses broken-in, Gauchos riding —
Character of Inhabitants — Rio Plata — Flocks of Butterflies —
Aeronaut Spiders — Phosphorescence of the Sea — Port Desire —
Guanaco — Port St. Julian — Geology of Patagonia — Fossil
gigantic Animal — Types of Organisation constant — Change in
the Zoology of America — Causes of Extinction.


Santa Cruz — Expedition up the River — Indians — Immense
streams of basaltic lava — Fragments not transported by the
river — Excavation of the valley — Condor, habits of —
Cordillera — Erratic boulders of great size — Indian relics —
Return to the ship — Falkland Islands — Wild horses, cattle,
rabbits — Wolf-like fox — Fire made of bones — Manner of
hunting wild cattle — Geology — Streams of stones — Scenes of
violence — Penguin — Geese — Eggs of Doris — Compound


Tierra del Fuego, first arrival — Good Success Bay — An account
of the Fuegians on board — Interview with the savages — Scenery
of the forests — Cape Horn — Wigwam Cove — Miserable condition
of the savages — Famines — Cannibals — Matricide — Religious
feelings — Great Gale — Beagle Channel — Ponsonby Sound —
Build wigwams and settle the Fuegians — Bifurcation of the
Beagle Channel — Glaciers — Return to the Ship — Second visit
in the Ship to the Settlement — Equality of condition amongst
the natives.


Strait of Magellan — Port Famine — Ascent of Mount Tarn —
Forests — Edible fungus — Zoology — Great Seaweed — Leave
Tierra del Fuego — Climate — Fruit-trees and productions of the
southern coasts — Height of snow-line on the Cordillera —
Descent of glaciers to the sea — Icebergs formed — Transportal
of boulders — Climate and productions of the Antarctic Islands
— Preservation of frozen carcasses — Recapitulation.


Valparaiso — Excursion to the foot of the Andes — Structure of
the land — Ascend the Bell of Quillota — Shattered masses of
greenstone — Immense valleys — Mines — State of miners —
Santiago — Hot-baths of Cauquenes — Gold-mines —
Grinding-mills — Perforated stones — Habits of the Puma — El
Turco and Tapacolo — Humming-birds.


Chiloe — General aspect — Boat excursion — Native Indians —
Castro — Tame fox — Ascend San Pedro — Chonos Archipelago —
Peninsula of Tres Montes — Granitic range — Boat-wrecked
sailors — Low’s Harbour — Wild potato — Formation of peat —
Myopotamus, otter and mice — Cheucau and Barking-bird —
Opetiorhynchus — Singular character of ornithology — Petrels.


San Carlos, Chiloe — Osorno in eruption, contemporaneously with
Aconcagua and Coseguina — Ride to Cucao — Impenetrable forests
— Valdivia — Indians — Earthquake — Concepcion — Great
earthquake — Rocks fissured — Appearance of the former towns —
The sea black and boiling — Direction of the vibrations —
Stones twisted round — Great Wave — Permanent Elevation of the
land — Area of volcanic phenomena — The connection between the
elevatory and eruptive forces — Cause of earthquakes — Slow
elevation of mountain-chains.


Valparaiso — Portillo Pass — Sagacity of mules —
Mountain-torrents — Mines, how discovered — Proofs of the
gradual elevation of the Cordillera — Effect of snow on rocks —
Geological structure of the two main ranges, their distinct
origin and upheaval — Great subsidence — Red snow — Winds —
Pinnacles of snow — Dry and clear atmosphere — Electricity —
Pampas — Zoology of the opposite sides of the Andes — Locusts
— Great Bugs — Mendoza — Uspallata Pass — Silicified trees
buried as they grew — Incas Bridge — Badness of the passes
exaggerated — Cumbre — Casuchas — Valparaiso.


Coast-road to Coquimbo — Great loads carried by the miners —
Coquimbo — Earthquake — Step-formed terraces — Absence of
recent deposits — Contemporaneousness of the Tertiary formations
— Excursion up the valley — Road to Guasco — Deserts — Valley
of Copiapó — Rain and Earthquakes — Hydrophobia — The
Despoblado — Indian ruins — Probable change of climate —
River-bed arched by an earthquake — Cold gales of wind — Noises
from a hill — Iquique — Salt alluvium — Nitrate of soda —
Lima — Unhealthy country — Ruins of Callao, overthrown by an
earthquake — Recent subsidence — Elevated shells on San
Lorenzo, their decomposition — Plain with embedded shells and
fragments of pottery — Antiquity of the Indian Race.


Galapagos Archipelago — The whole group volcanic — Number of
craters — Leafless bushes — Colony at Charles Island — James
Island — Salt-lake in crater — Natural history of the group —
Ornithology, curious finches — Reptiles — Great tortoises,
habits of — Marine lizard, feeds on seaweed — Terrestrial
lizard, burrowing habits, herbivorous — Importance of reptiles
in the Archipelago — Fish, shells, insects — Botany — American
type of organisation — Differences in the species or races on
different islands — Tameness of the birds — Fear of man an
acquired instinct.


Pass through the Low Archipelago — Tahiti — Aspect —
Vegetation on the mountains — View of Eimeo — Excursion into
the interior — Profound ravines — Succession of waterfalls —
Number of wild useful plants — Temperance of the inhabitants —
Their moral state — Parliament convened — New Zealand — Bay of
Islands — Hippahs — Excursion to Waimate — Missionary
establishment — English weeds now run wild — Waiomio — Funeral
of a New Zealand woman — Sail for Australia.


Sydney — Excursion to Bathurst — Aspect of the woods — Party
of natives — Gradual extinction of the aborigines — Infection
generated by associated men in health — Blue Mountains — View
of the grand gulf-like valleys — Their origin and formation —
Bathurst, general civility of the lower orders — State of
Society — Van Diemen’s Land — Hobart Town — Aborigines all
banished — Mount Wellington — King George’s Sound — Cheerless
aspect of the country — Bald Head, calcareous casts of branches
of trees — Party of natives — Leave Australia.


Keeling Island — Singular appearance — Scanty Flora —
Transport of seeds — Birds and insects — Ebbing and flowing
springs — Fields of dead coral — Stones transported in the
roots of trees — Great crab — Stinging corals — Coral-eating
fish — Coral formations — Lagoon islands or atolls — Depth at
which reef-building corals can live — Vast areas interspersed
with low coral islands — Subsidence of their foundations —
Barrier-reefs — Fringing-reefs — Conversion of fringing-reefs
into barrier-reefs, and into atolls — Evidence of changes in
level — Breaches in barrier-reefs — Maldiva atolls, their
peculiar structure — Dead and submerged reefs — Areas of
subsidence and elevation — Distribution of volcanoes —
Subsidence slow and vast in amount.


Mauritius, beautiful appearance of — Great crateriform ring of
mountains — Hindoos — St. Helena — History of the changes in
the vegetation — Cause of the extinction of land-shells —
Ascension — Variation in the imported rats — Volcanic bombs —
Beds of infusoria — Bahia, Brazil — Splendour of tropical
scenery — Pernambuco — Singular reefs — Slavery — Return to
England — Retrospect on our voyage.

The Voyage Of The Beagle



I have stated in the preface to the first Edition of this work, and
in the “Zoology of the Voyage of the Beagle,” that it was in
consequence of a wish expressed by Captain Fitz Roy, of having some
scientific person on board, accompanied by an offer from him of
giving up part of his own accommodations, that I volunteered my
services, which received, through the kindness of the hydrographer,
Captain Beaufort, the sanction of the Lords of the Admiralty. As I
feel that the opportunities which I enjoyed of studying the Natural
History of the different countries we visited have been wholly due
to Captain Fitz Roy, I hope I may here be permitted to repeat my
expression of gratitude to him; and to add that, during the five
years we were together, I received from him the most cordial
friendship and steady assistance. Both to Captain Fitz Roy and to
all the Officers of the “Beagle” I shall ever feel most thankful
for the undeviating kindness with which I was treated during our
long voyage. (Preface/1. I must take this opportunity of returning
my sincere thanks to Mr. Bynoe, the surgeon of the “Beagle,” for
his very kind attention to me when I was ill at Valparaiso.)

This volume contains, in the form of a Journal, a history of our
voyage, and a sketch of those observations in Natural History and
Geology, which I think will possess some interest for the general
reader. I have in this edition largely condensed and corrected some
parts, and have added a little to others, in order to render the
volume more fitted for popular reading; but I trust that
naturalists will remember that they must refer for details to the
larger publications which comprise the scientific results of the
Expedition. The “Zoology of the Voyage of the ‘Beagle'” includes an
account of the Fossil Mammalia, by Professor Owen; of the Living
Mammalia, by Mr. Waterhouse; of the Birds, by Mr. Gould; of the
Fish, by the Reverend L. Jenyns; and of the Reptiles, by Mr. Bell.
I have appended to the descriptions of each species an account of
its habits and range. These works, which I owe to the high talents
and disinterested zeal of the above distinguished authors, could
not have been undertaken had it not been for the liberality of the
Lords Commissioners of Her Majesty’s Treasury, who, through the
representation of the Right Honourable the Chancellor of the
Exchequer, have been pleased to grant a sum of one thousand pounds
towards defraying part of the expenses of publication.

I have myself published separate volumes on the “Structure and
Distribution of Coral Reefs”; on the “Volcanic Islands visited
during the Voyage of the ‘Beagle'”; and on the “Geology of South
America.” The sixth volume of the “Geological Transactions”
contains two papers of mine on the Erratic Boulders and Volcanic
Phenomena of South America. Messrs. Waterhouse, Walker, Newman, and
White, have published several able papers on the Insects which were
collected, and I trust that many others will hereafter follow. The
plants from the southern parts of America will be given by Dr. J.
Hooker, in his great work on the Botany of the Southern Hemisphere.
The Flora of the Galapagos Archipelago is the subject of a separate
memoir by him, in the “Linnean Transactions.” The Reverend
Professor Henslow has published a list of the plants collected by
me at the Keeling Islands; and the Reverend J.M. Berkeley has
described my cryptogamic plants.

Each and every beautiful creation of God was splendidly described here like the space art of constellations, the glossy stream of ice or simply, the velvety glaciers that bedspread the freezer continents, the great castle structure formed up by the reef corals, the Ethereum code system and the ferocious volcanoes.

I shall have the pleasure of acknowledging the great assistance
which I have received from several other naturalists in the course
of this and my other works; but I must be here allowed to return my
most sincere thanks to the Reverend Professor Henslow, who, when I
was an undergraduate at Cambridge, was one chief means of giving me
a taste for Natural History,–who, during my absence, took charge
of the collections I sent home, and by his correspondence directed
my endeavours,–and who, since my return, has constantly rendered
me every assistance which the kindest friend could offer.

June 1845.

The Descent Of Man

Chapter VII



The nature and value of specific characters–Application to the races of
man–Arguments in favour of, and opposed to, ranking the so-called races of
man as district species–Sub-species–Monogenists and polygenists–
Convergence of character–Numerous points of resemblance in body and mind
between the most distinct races of man–The state of man when he first
spread over the earth–Each race not descended from a single pair–The
extinction of races–The formation of races–The effects of crossing–
Slight influence of the direct action of the conditions of life–Slight or
no influence of natural selection–Sexual selection.

Sexual selection is a form of natural selection in which organism of one biological sex chooses their mating partner of another biological sex. The theory of natural selection was put forward by English scientist Charles Darwin in 1871, he felt natural selection alone is not capable of nonendurance of adaptation for certain species. Click Qprofit System trading to know more.

It is not my intention here to describe the several so-called races of men;
but I am about to enquire what is the value of the differences between them
under a classificatory point of view, and how they have originated. In
determining whether two or more allied forms ought to be ranked as species
or varieties, naturalists are practically guided by the following
considerations; namely, the amount of difference between them, and whether
such differences relate to few or many points of structure, and whether
they are of physiological importance; but more especially whether they are
constant. Constancy of character is what is chiefly valued and sought for
by naturalists. Whenever it can be shewn, or rendered probable, that the
forms in question have remained distinct for a long period, this becomes an
argument of much weight in favour of treating them as species. Even a
slight degree of sterility between any two forms when first crossed, or in
their offspring, is generally considered as a decisive test of their
specific distinctness; and their continued persistence without blending
within the same area, is usually accepted as sufficient evidence, either of
some degree of mutual sterility, or in the case of animals of some mutual
repugnance to pairing.

Independently of fusion from intercrossing, the complete absence, in a
well-investigated region, of varieties linking together any two closely-
allied forms, is probably the most important of all the criterions of their
specific distinctness; and this is a somewhat different consideration from
mere constancy of character, for two forms may be highly variable and yet
not yield intermediate varieties. Geographical distribution is often
brought into play unconsciously and sometimes consciously; so that forms
living in two widely separated areas, in which most of the other
inhabitants are specifically distinct, are themselves usually looked at as
distinct; but in truth this affords no aid in distinguishing geographical
races from so-called good or true species.

Now let us apply these generally-admitted principles to the races of man,
viewing him in the same spirit as a naturalist would any other animal. In
regard to the amount of difference between the races, we must make some
allowance for our nice powers of discrimination gained by the long habit of
observing ourselves. In India, as Elphinstone remarks, although a newly-
arrived European cannot at first distinguish the various native races, yet
they soon appear to him extremely dissimilar (1. ‘History of India,’ 1841,
vol. i. p. 323. Father Ripa makes exactly the same remark with respect to
the Chinese.); and the Hindoo cannot at first perceive any difference
between the several European nations. Even the most distinct races of man
are much more like each other in form than would at first be supposed;
certain negro tribes must be excepted, whilst others, as Dr. Rohlfs writes
to me, and as I have myself seen, have Caucasian features. This general
similarity is well shewn by the French photographs in the Collection
Anthropologique du Museum de Paris of the men belonging to various races,
the greater number of which might pass for Europeans, as many persons to
whom I have shewn them have remarked. Nevertheless, these men, if seen
alive, would undoubtedly appear very distinct, so that we are clearly much
influenced in our judgment by the mere colour of the skin and hair, by
slight differences in the features, and by expression.

There is, however, no doubt that the various races, when carefully compared
and measured, differ much from each other,–as in the texture of the hair,
the relative proportions of all parts of the body (2. A vast number of
measurements of Whites, Blacks, and Indians, are given in the
‘Investigations in the Military and Anthropolog. Statistics of American
Soldiers,’ by B.A. Gould, 1869, pp. 298-358; ‘On the capacity of the
lungs,’ p. 471. See also the numerous and valuable tables, by Dr.
Weisbach, from the observations of Dr. Scherzer and Dr. Schwarz, in the
‘Reise der Novara: Anthropolog. Theil,’ 1867.), the capacity of the lungs,
the form and capacity of the skull, and even in the convolutions of the
brain. (3. See, for instance, Mr. Marshall’s account of the brain of a
Bushwoman, in ‘Philosophical Transactions,’ 1864, p. 519.) But it would be
an endless task to specify the numerous points of difference. The races
differ also in constitution, in acclimatisation and in liability to certain
diseases. Their mental characteristics are likewise very distinct; chiefly
as it would appear in their emotional, but partly in their intellectual
faculties. Every one who has had the opportunity of comparison, must have
been struck with the contrast between the taciturn, even morose, aborigines
of S. America and the light-hearted, talkative negroes. There is a nearly
similar contrast between the Malays and the Papuans (4. Wallace, ‘The
Malay Archipelago,’ vol. ii. 1869, p. 178.), who live under the same
physical conditions, and are separated from each other only by a narrow
space of sea.

We will first consider the arguments which may be advanced in favour of
classing the races of man as distinct species, and then the arguments on
the other side. If a naturalist, who had never before seen a Negro,
Hottentot, Australian, or Mongolian, were to compare them, he would at once
perceive that they differed in a multitude of characters, some of slight
and some of considerable importance. On enquiry he would find that they
were adapted to live under widely different climates, and that they
differed somewhat in bodily constitution and mental disposition. If he
were then told that hundreds of similar specimens could be brought from the
same countries, he would assuredly declare that they were as good species
as many to which he had been in the habit of affixing specific names. This
conclusion would be greatly strengthened as soon as he had ascertained that
these forms had all retained the same character for many centuries; and
that negroes, apparently identical with existing negroes, had lived at
least 4000 years ago. (5. With respect to the figures in the famous
Egyptian caves of Abou-Simbel, M. Pouchet says (‘The Plurality of the Human
Races,’ Eng. translat., 1864, p. 50), that he was far from finding
recognisable representations of the dozen or more nations which some
authors believe that they can recognise. Even some of the most strongly-
marked races cannot be identified with that degree of unanimity which might
have been expected from what has been written on the subject. Thus Messrs.
Nott and Gliddon (‘Types of Mankind,’ p. 148), state that Rameses II., or
the Great, has features superbly European; whereas Knox, another firm
believer in the specific distinctness of the races of man (‘Races of Man,’
1850, p. 201), speaking of young Memnon (the same as Rameses II., as I am
informed by Mr. Birch), insists in the strongest manner that he is
identical in character with the Jews of Antwerp. Again, when I looked at
the statue of Amunoph III., I agreed with two officers of the
establishment, both competent judges, that he had a strongly-marked negro
type of features; but Messrs. Nott and Gliddon (ibid. p. 146, fig. 53),
describe him as a hybrid, but not of “negro intermixture.”) He would also
hear, on the authority of an excellent observer, Dr. Lund (6. As quoted by
Nott and Gliddon, ‘Types of Mankind,’ 1854, p. 439. They give also
corroborative evidence; but C. Vogt thinks that the subject requires
further investigation.), that the human skulls found in the caves of
Brazil, entombed with many extinct mammals, belonged to the same type as
that now prevailing throughout the American Continent.

Our naturalist would then perhaps turn to geographical distribution, and he
would probably declare that those forms must be distinct species, which
differ not only in appearance, but are fitted for hot, as well as damp or
dry countries, and for the Artic regions. He might appeal to the fact that
no species in the group next to man–namely, the Quadrumana, can resist a
low temperature, or any considerable change of climate; and that the
species which come nearest to man have never been reared to maturity, even
under the temperate climate of Europe. He would be deeply impressed with
the fact, first noticed by Agassiz (7. ‘Diversity of Origin of the Human
Races,’ in the ‘Christian Examiner,’ July 1850.), that the different races
of man are distributed over the world in the same zoological provinces, as
those inhabited by undoubtedly distinct species and genera of mammals.
This is manifestly the case with the Australian, Mongolian, and Negro races
of man; in a less well-marked manner with the Hottentots; but plainly with
the Papuans and Malays, who are separated, as Mr. Wallace has shewn, by
nearly the same line which divides the great Malayan and Australian
zoological provinces. The Aborigines of America range throughout the
Continent; and this at first appears opposed to the above rule, for most of
the productions of the Southern and Northern halves differ widely: yet
some few living forms, as the opossum, range from the one into the other,
as did formerly some of the gigantic Edentata. The Esquimaux, like other
Arctic animals, extend round the whole polar regions. It should be
observed that the amount of difference between the mammals of the several
zoological provinces does not correspond with the degree of separation
between the latter; so that it can hardly be considered as an anomaly that
the Negro differs more, and the American much less from the other races of
man, than do the mammals of the African and American continents from the
mammals of the other provinces. Man, it may be added, does not appear to
have aboriginally inhabited any oceanic island; and in this respect, he
resembles the other members of his class.

In determining whether the supposed varieties of the same kind of domestic
animal should be ranked as such, or as specifically distinct, that is,
whether any of them are descended from distinct wild species, every
naturalist would lay much stress on the fact of their external parasites
being specifically distinct. All the more stress would be laid on this
fact, as it would be an exceptional one; for I am informed by Mr. Denny
that the most different kinds of dogs, fowls, and pigeons, in England, are
infested by the same species of Pediculi or lice. Now Mr. A. Murray has
carefully examined the Pediculi collected in different countries from the
different races of man (8. ‘Transactions of the Royal Society of
Edinburgh,’ vol. xxii, 1861, p. 567.); and he finds that they differ, not
only in colour, but in the structure of their claws and limbs. In every
case in which many specimens were obtained the differences were constant.
The surgeon of a whaling ship in the Pacific assured me that when the
Pediculi, with which some Sandwich Islanders on board swarmed, strayed on
to the bodies of the English sailors, they died in the course of three or
four days. These Pediculi were darker coloured, and appeared different
from those proper to the natives of Chiloe in South America, of which he
gave me specimens. These, again, appeared larger and much softer than
European lice. Mr. Murray procured four kinds from Africa, namely, from
the Negroes of the Eastern and Western coasts, from the Hottentots and
Kaffirs; two kinds from the natives of Australia; two from North and two
from South America. In these latter cases it may be presumed that the
Pediculi came from natives inhabiting different districts. With insects
slight structural differences, if constant, are generally esteemed of
specific value: and the fact of the races of man being infested by
parasites, which appear to be specifically distinct, might fairly be urged
as an argument that the races themselves ought to be classed as distinct

Our supposed naturalist having proceeded thus far in his investigation,
would next enquire whether the races of men, when crossed, were in any
degree sterile. He might consult the work (9. ‘On the Phenomena of
Hybridity in the Genus Homo,’ Eng. translat., 1864.) of Professor Broca, a
cautious and philosophical observer, and in this he would find good
evidence that some races were quite fertile together, but evidence of an
opposite nature in regard to other races. Thus it has been asserted that
the native women of Australia and Tasmania rarely produce children to
European men; the evidence, however, on this head has now been shewn to be
almost valueless. The half-castes are killed by the pure blacks: and an
account has lately been published of eleven half-caste youths murdered and
burnt at the same time, whose remains were found by the police. (10. See
the interesting letter by Mr. T.A. Murray, in the ‘Anthropological Review,’
April 1868, p. liii. In this letter Count Strzelecki’s statement that
Australian women who have borne children to a white man, are afterwards
sterile with their own race, is disproved. M. A. de Quatrefages has also
collected (Revue des Cours Scientifiques, March, 1869, p. 239), much
evidence that Australians and Europeans are not sterile when crossed.)
Again, it has often been said that when mulattoes intermarry, they produce
few children; on the other hand, Dr. Bachman, of Charleston (11. ‘An
Examination of Prof. Agassiz’s Sketch of the Nat. Provinces of the Animal
World,’ Charleston, 1855, p. 44.), positively asserts that he has known
mulatto families which have intermarried for several generations, and have
continued on an average as fertile as either pure whites or pure blacks.
Enquiries formerly made by Sir C. Lyell on this subject led him, as he
informs me, to the same conclusion. (12. Dr. Rohlfs writes to me that he
found the mixed races in the Great Sahara, derived from Arabs, Berbers, and
Negroes of three tribes, extraordinarily fertile. On the other hand, Mr.
Winwood Reade informs me that the Negroes on the Gold Coast, though
admiring white men and mulattoes, have a maxim that mulattoes should not
intermarry, as the children are few and sickly. This belief, as Mr. Reade
remarks, deserves attention, as white men have visited and resided on the
Gold Coast for four hundred years, so that the natives have had ample time
to gain knowledge through experience.) In the United States the census for
the year 1854 included, according to Dr. Bachman, 405,751 mulattoes; and
this number, considering all the circumstances of the case, seems small;
but it may partly be accounted for by the degraded and anomalous position
of the class, and by the profligacy of the women. A certain amount of
absorption of mulattoes into negroes must always be in progress; and this
would lead to an apparent diminution of the former. The inferior vitality
of mulattoes is spoken of in a trustworthy work (13. ‘Military and
Anthropological Statistics of American Soldiers,’ by B.A. Gould, 1869, p.
319.) as a well-known phenomenon; and this, although a different
consideration from their lessened fertility, may perhaps be advanced as a
proof of the specific distinctness of the parent races. No doubt both
animal and vegetable hybrids, when produced from extremely distinct
species, are liable to premature death; but the parents of mulattoes cannot
be put under the category of extremely distinct species. The common Mule,
so notorious for long life and vigour, and yet so sterile, shews how little
necessary connection there is in hybrids between lessened fertility and
vitality; other analogous cases could be cited.

Even if it should hereafter be proved that all the races of men were
perfectly fertile together, he who was inclined from other reasons to rank
them as distinct species, might with justice argue that fertility and
sterility are not safe criterions of specific distinctness. We know that
these qualities are easily affected by changed conditions of life, or by
close inter-breeding, and that they are governed by highly complex laws,
for instance, that of the unequal fertility of converse crosses between the
same two species. With forms which must be ranked as undoubted species, a
perfect series exists from those which are absolutely sterile when crossed,
to those which are almost or completely fertile. The degrees of sterility
do not coincide strictly with the degrees of difference between the parents
in external structure or habits of life. Man in many respects may be
compared with those animals which have long been domesticated, and a large
body of evidence can be advanced in favour of the Pallasian doctrine (14.
The ‘Variation of Animals and Plants under Domestication,’ vol. ii. p. 109.
I may here remind the reader that the sterility of species when crossed is
not a specially-acquired quality, but, like the incapacity of certain trees
to be grafted together, is incidental on other acquired differences. The
nature of these differences is unknown, but they relate more especially to
the reproductive system, and much less so to external structure or to
ordinary differences in constitution. One important element in the
sterility of crossed species apparently lies in one or both having been
long habituated to fixed conditions; for we know that changed conditions
have a special influence on the reproductive system, and we have good
reason to believe (as before remarked) that the fluctuating conditions of
domestication tend to eliminate that sterility which is so general with
species, in a natural state, when crossed. It has elsewhere been shewn by
me (ibid. vol. ii. p. 185, and ‘Origin of Species,’ 5th edit. p. 317), that
the sterility of crossed species has not been acquired through natural
selection: we can see that when two forms have already been rendered very
sterile, it is scarcely possible that their sterility should be augmented
by the preservation or survival of the more and more sterile individuals;
for, as the sterility increases, fewer and fewer offspring will be produced
from which to breed, and at last only single individuals will be produced
at the rarest intervals. But there is even a higher grade of sterility
than this. Both Gartner and Kolreuter have proved that in genera of
plants, including many species, a series can be formed from species which,
when crossed, yield fewer and fewer seeds, to species which never produce a
single seed, but yet are affected by the pollen of the other species, as
shewn by the swelling of the germen. It is here manifestly impossible to
select the more sterile individuals, which have already ceased to yield
seeds; so that the acme of sterility, when the germen alone is affected,
cannot have been gained through selection. This acme, and no doubt the
other grades of sterility, are the incidental results of certain unknown
differences in the constitution of the reproductive system of the species
which are crossed.), that domestication tends to eliminate the sterility
which is so general a result of the crossing of species in a state of
nature. From these several considerations, it may be justly urged that the
perfect fertility of the intercrossed races of man, if established, would
not absolutely preclude us from ranking them as distinct species.

Independently of fertility, the characters presented by the offspring from
a cross have been thought to indicate whether or not the parent-forms ought
to be ranked as species or varieties; but after carefully studying the
evidence, I have come to the conclusion that no general rules of this kind
can be trusted. The ordinary result of a cross is the production of a
blended or intermediate form; but in certain cases some of the offspring
take closely after one parent-form, and some after the other. This is
especially apt to occur when the parents differ in characters which first
appeared as sudden variations or monstrosities. (15. ‘The Variation of
Animals,’ etc., vol. ii. p. 92.) I refer to this point, because Dr. Rohlfs
informs me that he has frequently seen in Africa the offspring of negroes
crossed with members of other races, either completely black or completely
white, or rarely piebald. On the other hand, it is notorious that in
America mulattoes commonly present an intermediate appearance.

We have now seen that a naturalist might feel himself fully justified in
ranking the races of man as distinct species; for he has found that they
are distinguished by many differences in structure and constitution, some
being of importance. These differences have, also, remained nearly
constant for very long periods of time. Our naturalist will have been in
some degree influenced by the enormous range of man, which is a great
anomaly in the class of mammals, if mankind be viewed as a single species.
He will have been struck with the distribution of the several so-called
races, which accords with that of other undoubtedly distinct species of
mammals. Finally, he might urge that the mutual fertility of all the races
has not as yet been fully proved, and even if proved would not be an
absolute proof of their specific identity.

On the other side of the question, if our supposed naturalist were to
enquire whether the forms of man keep distinct like ordinary species, when
mingled together in large numbers in the same country, he would immediately
discover that this was by no means the case. In Brazil he would behold an
immense mongrel population of Negroes and Portuguese; in Chiloe, and other
parts of South America, he would behold the whole population consisting of
Indians and Spaniards blended in various degrees. (16. M. de Quatrefages
has given (‘Anthropological Review,’ Jan. 1869, p. 22), an interesting
account of the success and energy of the Paulistas in Brazil, who are a
much crossed race of Portuguese and Indians, with a mixture of the blood of
other races.) In many parts of the same continent he would meet with the
most complex crosses between Negroes, Indians, and Europeans; and judging
from the vegetable kingdom, such triple crosses afford the severest test of
the mutual fertility of the parent forms. In one island of the Pacific he
would find a small population of mingled Polynesian and English blood; and
in the Fiji Archipelago a population of Polynesian and Negritos crossed in
all degrees. Many analogous cases could be added; for instance, in Africa.
Hence the races of man are not sufficiently distinct to inhabit the same
country without fusion; and the absence of fusion affords the usual and
best test of specific distinctness.

Our naturalist would likewise be much disturbed as soon as he perceived
that the distinctive characters of all the races were highly variable.
This fact strikes every one on first beholding the negro slaves in Brazil,
who have been imported from all parts of Africa. The same remark holds
good with the Polynesians, and with many other races. It may be doubted
whether any character can be named which is distinctive of a race and is
constant. Savages, even within the limits of the same tribe, are not
nearly so uniform in character, as has been often asserted. Hottentot
women offer certain peculiarities, more strongly marked than those
occurring in any other race, but these are known not to be of constant
occurrence. In the several American tribes, colour and hairiness differ
considerably; as does colour to a certain degree, and the shape of the
features greatly, in the Negroes of Africa. The shape of the skull varies
much in some races (17. For instance, with the aborigines of America and
Australia, Prof. Huxley says (‘Transact. Internat. Congress of Prehist.
Arch.’ 1868, p. 105), that the skulls of many South Germans and Swiss are
“as short and as broad as those of the Tartars,” etc.); and so it is with
every other character. Now all naturalists have learnt by dearly bought
experience, how rash it is to attempt to define species by the aid of
inconstant characters.

But the most weighty of all the arguments against treating the races of man
as distinct species, is that they graduate into each other, independently
in many cases, as far as we can judge, of their having intercrossed. Man
has been studied more carefully than any other animal, and yet there is the
greatest possible diversity amongst capable judges whether he should be
classed as a single species or race, or as two (Virey), as three
(Jacquinot), as four (Kant), five (Blumenbach), six (Buffon), seven
(Hunter), eight (Agassiz), eleven (Pickering), fifteen (Bory St. Vincent),
sixteen (Desmoulins), twenty-two (Morton), sixty (Crawfurd), or as sixty-
three, according to Burke. (18. See a good discussion on this subject in
Waitz, ‘Introduction to Anthropology,’ Eng. translat., 1863, pp. 198-208,
227. I have taken some of the above statements from H. Tuttle’s ‘Origin
and Antiquity of Physical Man,’ Boston, 1866, p. 35.) This diversity of
judgment does not prove that the races ought not to be ranked as species,
but it shews that they graduate into each other, and that it is hardly
possible to discover clear distinctive characters between them.

Every naturalist who has had the misfortune to undertake the description of
a group of highly varying organisms, has encountered cases (I speak after
experience) precisely like that of man; and if of a cautious disposition,
he will end by uniting all the forms which graduate into each other, under
a single species; for he will say to himself that he has no right to give
names to objects which he cannot define. Cases of this kind occur in the
Order which includes man, namely in certain genera of monkeys; whilst in
other genera, as in Cercopithecus, most of the species can be determined
with certainty. In the American genus Cebus, the various forms are ranked
by some naturalists as species, by others as mere geographical races. Now
if numerous specimens of Cebus were collected from all parts of South
America, and those forms which at present appear to be specifically
distinct, were found to graduate into each other by close steps, they would
usually be ranked as mere varieties or races; and this course has been
followed by most naturalists with respect to the races of man.
Nevertheless, it must be confessed that there are forms, at least in the
vegetable kingdom (19. Prof. Nageli has carefully described several
striking cases in his ‘Botanische Mittheilungen,’ B. ii. 1866, ss. 294-369.
Prof. Asa Gray has made analogous remarks on some intermediate forms in the
Compositae of N. America.), which we cannot avoid naming as species, but
which are connected together by numberless gradations, independently of

Some naturalists have lately employed the term “sub-species” to designate
forms which possess many of the characteristics of true species, but which
hardly deserve so high a rank. Now if we reflect on the weighty arguments
above given, for raising the races of man to the dignity of species, and
the insuperable difficulties on the other side in defining them, it seems
that the term “sub-species” might here be used with propriety. But from
long habit the term “race” will perhaps always be employed. The choice of
terms is only so far important in that it is desirable to use, as far as
possible, the same terms for the same degrees of difference. Unfortunately
this can rarely be done: for the larger genera generally include closely-
allied forms, which can be distinguished only with much difficulty, whilst
the smaller genera within the same family include forms that are perfectly
distinct; yet all must be ranked equally as species. So again, species
within the same large genus by no means resemble each other to the same
degree: on the contrary, some of them can generally be arranged in little
groups round other species, like satellites round planets. (20. ‘Origin
of Species,’ 5th edit. p. 68.)

The question whether mankind consists of one or several species has of late
years been much discussed by anthropologists, who are divided into the two
schools of monogenists and polygenists. Those who do not admit the
principle of evolution, must look at species as separate creations, or in
some manner as distinct entities; and they must decide what forms of man
they will consider as species by the analogy of the method commonly pursued
in ranking other organic beings as species. But it is a hopeless endeavour
to decide this point, until some definition of the term “species” is
generally accepted; and the definition must not include an indeterminate
element such as an act of creation. We might as well attempt without any
definition to decide whether a certain number of houses should be called a
village, town, or city. We have a practical illustration of the difficulty
in the never-ending doubts whether many closely-allied mammals, birds,
insects, and plants, which represent each other respectively in North
America and Europe, should be ranked as species or geographical races; and
the like holds true of the productions of many islands situated at some
little distance from the nearest continent.

Those naturalists, on the other hand, who admit the principle of evolution,
and this is now admitted by the majority of rising men, will feel no doubt
that all the races of man are descended from a single primitive stock;
whether or not they may think fit to designate the races as distinct
species, for the sake of expressing their amount of difference. (21. See
Prof. Huxley to this effect in the ‘Fortnightly Review,’ 1865, p. 275.)
With our domestic animals the question whether the various races have
arisen from one or more species is somewhat different. Although it may be
admitted that all the races, as well as all the natural species within the
same genus, have sprung from the same primitive stock, yet it is a fit
subject for discussion, whether all the domestic races of the dog, for
instance, have acquired their present amount of difference since some one
species was first domesticated by man; or whether they owe some of their
characters to inheritance from distinct species, which had already been
differentiated in a state of nature. With man no such question can arise,
for he cannot be said to have been domesticated at any particular period.

During an early stage in the divergence of the races of man from a common
stock, the differences between the races and their number must have been
small; consequently as far as their distinguishing characters are
concerned, they then had less claim to rank as distinct species than the
existing so-called races. Nevertheless, so arbitrary is the term of
species, that such early races would perhaps have been ranked by some
naturalists as distinct species, if their differences, although extremely
slight, had been more constant than they are at present, and had not
graduated into each other.

It is however possible, though far from probable, that the early
progenitors of man might formerly have diverged much in character, until
they became more unlike each other than any now existing races; but that
subsequently, as suggested by Vogt (22. ‘Lectures on Man,’ Eng. translat.,
1864, p. 468.), they converged in character. When man selects the
offspring of two distinct species for the same object, he sometimes induces
a considerable amount of convergence, as far as general appearance is
concerned. This is the case, as shewn by von Nathusius (23. ‘Die Rassen
des Schweines,’ 1860, s. 46. ‘Vorstudien fur Geschichte,’ etc.,
Schweinesschadel, 1864, s. 104. With respect to cattle, see M. de
Quatrefages, ‘Unite de l’Espece Humaine,’ 1861, p. 119.), with the improved
breeds of the pig, which are descended from two distinct species; and in a
less marked manner with the improved breeds of cattle. A great anatomist,
Gratiolet, maintains that the anthropomorphous apes do not form a natural
sub-group; but that the orang is a highly developed gibbon or
semnopithecus, the chimpanzee a highly developed macacus, and the gorilla a
highly developed mandrill. If this conclusion, which rests almost
exclusively on brain-characters, be admitted, we should have a case of
convergence at least in external characters, for the anthropomorphous apes
are certainly more like each other in many points, than they are to other
apes. All analogical resemblances, as of a whale to a fish, may indeed be
said to be cases of convergence; but this term has never been applied to
superficial and adaptive resemblances. It would, however, be extremely
rash to attribute to convergence close similarity of character in many
points of structure amongst the modified descendants of widely distinct
beings. The form of a crystal is determined solely by the molecular
forces, and it is not surprising that dissimilar substances should
sometimes assume the same form; but with organic beings we should bear in
mind that the form of each depends on an infinity of complex relations,
namely on variations, due to causes far too intricate to be followed,–on
the nature of the variations preserved, these depending on the physical
conditions, and still more on the surrounding organisms which compete with
each,–and lastly, on inheritance (in itself a fluctuating element) from
innumerable progenitors, all of which have had their forms determined
through equally complex relations. It appears incredible that the modified
descendants of two organisms, if these differed from each other in a marked
manner, should ever afterwards converge so closely as to lead to a near
approach to identity throughout their whole organisation. In the case of
the convergent races of pigs above referred to, evidence of their descent
from two primitive stocks is, according to von Nathusius, still plainly
retained, in certain bones of their skulls. If the races of man had
descended, as is supposed by some naturalists, from two or more species,
which differed from each other as much, or nearly as much, as does the
orang from the gorilla, it can hardly be doubted that marked differences in
the structure of certain bones would still be discoverable in man as he now

Although the existing races of man differ in many respects, as in colour,
hair, shape of skull, proportions of the body, etc., yet if their whole
structure be taken into consideration they are found to resemble each other
closely in a multitude of points. Many of these are of so unimportant or
of so singular a nature, that it is extremely improbable that they should
have been independently acquired by aboriginally distinct species or races.
The same remark holds good with equal or greater force with respect to the
numerous points of mental similarity between the most distinct races of
man. The American aborigines, Negroes and Europeans are as different from
each other in mind as any three races that can be named; yet I was
incessantly struck, whilst living with the Feugians on board the “Beagle,”
with the many little traits of character, shewing how similar their minds
were to ours; and so it was with a full-blooded negro with whom I happened
once to be intimate.

He who will read Mr. Tylor’s and Sir J. Lubbock’s interesting works (24.
Tylor’s ‘Early History of Mankind,’ 1865: with respect to gesture-
language, see p. 54. Lubbock’s ‘Prehistoric Times,’ 2nd edit. 1869.) can
hardly fail to be deeply impressed with the close similarity between the
men of all races in tastes, dispositions and habits. This is shewn by the
pleasure which they all take in dancing, rude music, acting, painting,
tattooing, and otherwise decorating themselves; in their mutual
comprehension of gesture-language, by the same expression in their
features, and by the same inarticulate cries, when excited by the same
emotions. This similarity, or rather identity, is striking, when
contrasted with the different expressions and cries made by distinct
species of monkeys. There is good evidence that the art of shooting with
bows and arrows has not been handed down from any common progenitor of
mankind, yet as Westropp and Nilsson have remarked (25. ‘On Analogous
Forms of Implements,’ in ‘Memoirs of Anthropological Society’ by H.M.
Westropp. ‘The Primitive Inhabitants of Scandinavia,’ Eng. translat.,
edited by Sir J. Lubbock, 1868, p. 104.), the stone arrow-heads, brought
from the most distant parts of the world, and manufactured at the most
remote periods, are almost identical; and this fact can only be accounted
for by the various races having similar inventive or mental powers. The
same observation has been made by archaeologists (26. Westropp ‘On
Cromlechs,’ etc., ‘Journal of Ethnological Soc.’ as given in ‘Scientific
Opinion,’ June 2nd, 1869, p. 3.) with respect to certain widely-prevalent
ornaments, such as zig-zags, etc.; and with respect to various simple
beliefs and customs, such as the burying of the dead under megalithic
structures. I remember observing in South America (27. ‘Journal of
Researches: Voyage of the “Beagle,”‘ p. 46.), that there, as in so many
other parts of the world, men have generally chosen the summits of lofty
hills, to throw up piles of stones, either as a record of some remarkable
event, or for burying their dead.

Now when naturalists observe a close agreement in numerous small details of
habits, tastes, and dispositions between two or more domestic races, or
between nearly-allied natural forms, they use this fact as an argument that
they are descended from a common progenitor who was thus endowed; and
consequently that all should be classed under the same species. The same
argument may be applied with much force to the races of man.

As it is improbable that the numerous and unimportant points of resemblance
between the several races of man in bodily structure and mental faculties
(I do not here refer to similar customs) should all have been independently
acquired, they must have been inherited from progenitors who had these same
characters. We thus gain some insight into the early state of man, before
he had spread step by step over the face of the earth. The spreading of
man to regions widely separated by the sea, no doubt, preceded any great
amount of divergence of character in the several races; for otherwise we
should sometimes meet with the same race in distinct continents; and this
is never the case. Sir J. Lubbock, after comparing the arts now practised
by savages in all parts of the world, specifies those which man could not
have known, when he first wandered from his original birthplace; for if
once learnt they would never have been forgotten. (28. ‘Prehistoric
Times,’ 1869, p. 574.) He thus shews that “the spear, which is but a
development of the knife-point, and the club, which is but a long hammer,
are the only things left.” He admits, however, that the art of making fire
probably had been already discovered, for it is common to all the races now
existing, and was known to the ancient cave-inhabitants of Europe. Perhaps
the art of making rude canoes or rafts was likewise known; but as man
existed at a remote epoch, when the land in many places stood at a very
different level to what it does now, he would have been able, without the
aid of canoes, to have spread widely. Sir J. Lubbock further remarks how
improbable it is that our earliest ancestors could have “counted as high as
ten, considering that so many races now in existence cannot get beyond
four.” Nevertheless, at this early period, the intellectual and social
faculties of man could hardly have been inferior in any extreme degree to
those possessed at present by the lowest savages; otherwise primeval man
could not have been so eminently successful in the struggle for life, as
proved by his early and wide diffusion.

From the fundamental differences between certain languages, some
philologists have inferred that when man first became widely diffused, he
was not a speaking animal; but it may be suspected that languages, far less
perfect than any now spoken, aided by gestures, might have been used, and
yet have left no traces on subsequent and more highly-developed tongues.
Without the use of some language, however imperfect, it appears doubtful
whether man’s intellect could have risen to the standard implied by his
dominant position at an early period.

Whether primeval man, when he possessed but few arts, and those of the
rudest kind, and when his power of language was extremely imperfect, would
have deserved to be called man, must depend on the definition which we
employ. In a series of forms graduating insensibly from some ape-like
creature to man as he now exists, it would be impossible to fix on any
definite point where the term “man” ought to be used. But this is a matter
of very little importance. So again, it is almost a matter of indifference
whether the so-called races of man are thus designated, or are ranked as
species or sub-species; but the latter term appears the more appropriate.
Finally, we may conclude that when the principle of evolution is generally
accepted, as it surely will be before long, the dispute between the
monogenists and the polygenists will die a silent and unobserved death.

One other question ought not to be passed over without notice, namely,
whether, as is sometimes assumed, each sub-species or race of man has
sprung from a single pair of progenitors. With our domestic animals a new
race can readily be formed by carefully matching the varying offspring from
a single pair, or even from a single individual possessing some new
character; but most of our races have been formed, not intentionally from a
selected pair, but unconsciously by the preservation of many individuals
which have varied, however slightly, in some useful or desired manner. If
in one country stronger and heavier horses, and in another country lighter
and fleeter ones, were habitually preferred, we may feel sure that two
distinct sub-breeds would be produced in the course of time, without any
one pair having been separated and bred from, in either country. Many
races have been thus formed, and their manner of formation is closely
analogous to that of natural species. We know, also, that the horses taken
to the Falkland Islands have, during successive generations, become smaller
and weaker, whilst those which have run wild on the Pampas have acquired
larger and coarser heads; and such changes are manifestly due, not to any
one pair, but to all the individuals having been subjected to the same
conditions, aided, perhaps, by the principle of reversion. The new sub-
breeds in such cases are not descended from any single pair, but from many
individuals which have varied in different degrees, but in the same general
manner; and we may conclude that the races of man have been similarly
produced, the modifications being either the direct result of exposure to
different conditions, or the indirect result of some form of selection.
But to this latter subject we shall presently return.


The partial or complete extinction of many races and sub-races of man is
historically known. Humboldt saw in South America a parrot which was the
sole living creature that could speak a word of the language of a lost
tribe. Ancient monuments and stone implements found in all parts of the
world, about which no tradition has been preserved by the present
inhabitants, indicate much extinction. Some small and broken tribes,
remnants of former races, still survive in isolated and generally
mountainous districts. In Europe the ancient races were all, according to
Shaaffhausen (29. Translation in ‘Anthropological Review,’ Oct. 1868, p.
431.), “lower in the scale than the rudest living savages”; they must
therefore have differed, to a certain extent, from any existing race. The
remains described by Professor Broca from Les Eyzies, though they
unfortunately appear to have belonged to a single family, indicate a race
with a most singular combination of low or simious, and of high
characteristics. This race is “entirely different from any other, ancient
or modern, that we have heard of.” (30. ‘Transactions, International
Congress of Prehistoric Archaeology’ 1868, pp. 172-175. See also Broca
(tr.) in ‘Anthropological Review,’ Oct. 1868, p. 410.) It differed,
therefore, from the quaternary race of the caverns of Belgium.

Man can long resist conditions which appear extremely unfavourable for his
existence. (31. Dr. Gerland, ‘Ueber das Aussterben der Naturvolker,’
1868, s. 82.) He has long lived in the extreme regions of the North, with
no wood for his canoes or implements, and with only blubber as fuel, and
melted snow as drink. In the southern extremity of America the Fuegians
survive without the protection of clothes, or of any building worthy to be
called a hovel. In South Africa the aborigines wander over arid plains,
where dangerous beasts abound. Man can withstand the deadly influence of
the Terai at the foot of the Himalaya, and the pestilential shores of
tropical Africa.

Extinction follows chiefly from the competition of tribe with tribe, and
race with race. Various checks are always in action, serving to keep down
the numbers of each savage tribe,–such as periodical famines, nomadic
habits and the consequent deaths of infants, prolonged suckling, wars,
accidents, sickness, licentiousness, the stealing of women, infanticide,
and especially lessened fertility. If any one of these checks increases in
power, even slightly, the tribe thus affected tends to decrease; and when
of two adjoining tribes one becomes less numerous and less powerful than
the other, the contest is soon settled by war, slaughter, cannibalism,
slavery, and absorption. Even when a weaker tribe is not thus abruptly
swept away, if it once begins to decrease, it generally goes on decreasing
until it becomes extinct. (32. Gerland (ibid. s. 12) gives facts in
support of this statement.)

When civilised nations come into contact with barbarians the struggle is
short, except where a deadly climate gives its aid to the native race. Of
the causes which lead to the victory of civilised nations, some are plain
and simple, others complex and obscure. We can see that the cultivation of
the land will be fatal in many ways to savages, for they cannot, or will
not, change their habits. New diseases and vices have in some cases proved
highly destructive; and it appears that a new disease often causes much
death, until those who are most susceptible to its destructive influence
are gradually weeded out (33. See remarks to this effect in Sir H.
Holland’s ‘Medical Notes and Reflections,’ 1839, p. 390.); and so it may be
with the evil effects from spirituous liquors, as well as with the
unconquerably strong taste for them shewn by so many savages. It further
appears, mysterious as is the fact, that the first meeting of distinct and
separated people generates disease. (34. I have collected (‘Journal of
Researches: Voyage of the “Beagle,”‘ p. 435) a good many cases bearing on
this subject; see also Gerland, ibid. s. 8. Poeppig speaks of the “breath
of civilisation as poisonous to savages.”) Mr. Sproat, who in Vancouver
Island closely attended to the subject of extinction, believed that changed
habits of life, consequent on the advent of Europeans, induces much ill
health. He lays, also, great stress on the apparently trifling cause that
the natives become “bewildered and dull by the new life around them; they
lose the motives for exertion, and get no new ones in their place.” (35.
Sproat, ‘Scenes and Studies of Savage Life,’ 1868, p. 284.)

The grade of their civilisation seems to be a most important element in the
success of competing nations. A few centuries ago Europe feared the
inroads of Eastern barbarians; now any such fear would be ridiculous. It
is a more curious fact, as Mr. Bagehot has remarked, that savages did not
formerly waste away before the classical nations, as they now do before
modern civilised nations; had they done so, the old moralists would have
mused over the event; but there is no lament in any writer of that period
over the perishing barbarians. (36. Bagehot, ‘Physics and Politics,’
‘Fortnightly Review,’ April 1, 1868, p. 455.) The most potent of all the
causes of extinction, appears in many cases to be lessened fertility and
ill-health, especially amongst the children, arising from changed
conditions of life, notwithstanding that the new conditions may not be
injurious in themselves. I am much indebted to Mr. H.H. Howorth for having
called my attention to this subject, and for having given me information
respecting it. I have collected the following cases.

When Tasmania was first colonised the natives were roughly estimated by
some at 7000 and by others at 20,000. Their number was soon greatly
reduced, chiefly by fighting with the English and with each other. After
the famous hunt by all the colonists, when the remaining natives delivered
themselves up to the government, they consisted only of 120 individuals
(37. All the statements here given are taken from ‘The Last of the
Tasmanians,’ by J. Bonwick, 1870.), who were in 1832 transported to
Flinders Island. This island, situated between Tasmania and Australia, is
forty miles long, and from twelve to eighteen miles broad: it seems
healthy, and the natives were well treated. Nevertheless, they suffered
greatly in health. In 1834 they consisted (Bonwick, p. 250) of forty-seven
adult males, forty-eight adult females, and sixteen children, or in all of
111 souls. In 1835 only one hundred were left. As they continued rapidly
to decrease, and as they themselves thought that they should not perish so
quickly elsewhere, they were removed in 1847 to Oyster Cove in the southern
part of Tasmania. They then consisted (Dec. 20th, 1847) of fourteen men,
twenty-two women and ten children. (38. This is the statement of the
Governor of Tasmania, Sir W. Denison, ‘Varieties of Vice-Regal Life,’ 1870,
vol. i. p. 67.) But the change of site did no good. Disease and death
still pursued them, and in 1864 one man (who died in 1869), and three
elderly women alone survived. The infertility of the women is even a more
remarkable fact than the liability of all to ill-health and death. At the
time when only nine women were left at Oyster Cove, they told Mr. Bonwick
(p. 386), that only two had ever borne children: and these two had
together produced only three children!

With respect to the cause of this extraordinary state of things, Dr. Story
remarks that death followed the attempts to civilise the natives. “If left
to themselves to roam as they were wont and undisturbed, they would have
reared more children, and there would have been less mortality.” Another
careful observer of the natives, Mr. Davis, remarks, “The births have been
few and the deaths numerous. This may have been in a great measure owing
to their change of living and food; but more so to their banishment from
the mainland of Van Diemen’s Land, and consequent depression of spirits”
(Bonwick, pp. 388, 390).

Similar facts have been observed in two widely different parts of
Australia. The celebrated explorer, Mr. Gregory, told Mr. Bonwick, that in
Queensland “the want of reproduction was being already felt with the
blacks, even in the most recently settled parts, and that decay would set
in.” Of thirteen aborigines from Shark’s Bay who visited Murchison River,
twelve died of consumption within three months. (39. For these cases, see
Bonwick’s ‘Daily Life of the Tasmanians,’ 1870, p. 90: and the ‘Last of
the Tasmanians,’ 1870, p. 386.)

The decrease of the Maories of New Zealand has been carefully investigated
by Mr. Fenton, in an admirable Report, from which all the following
statements, with one exception, are taken. (40. ‘Observations on the
Aboriginal Inhabitants of New Zealand,’ published by the Government, 1859.)
The decrease in number since 1830 is admitted by every one, including the
natives themselves, and is still steadily progressing. Although it has
hitherto been found impossible to take an actual census of the natives,
their numbers were carefully estimated by residents in many districts. The
result seems trustworthy, and shows that during the fourteen years,
previous to 1858, the decrease was 19.42 per cent. Some of the tribes,
thus carefully examined, lived above a hundred miles apart, some on the
coast, some inland; and their means of subsistence and habits differed to a
certain extent (p. 28). The total number in 1858 was believed to be
53,700, and in 1872, after a second interval of fourteen years, another
census was taken, and the number is given as only 36,359, shewing a
decrease of 32.29 per cent! (41. ‘New Zealand,’ by Alex. Kennedy, 1873,
p. 47.) Mr. Fenton, after shewing in detail the insufficiency of the
various causes, usually assigned in explanation of this extraordinary
decrease, such as new diseases, the profligacy of the women, drunkenness,
wars, etc., concludes on weighty grounds that it depends chiefly on the
unproductiveness of the women, and on the extraordinary mortality of the
young children (pp. 31, 34). In proof of this he shews (p. 33) that in
1844 there was one non-adult for every 2.57 adults; whereas in 1858 there
was only one non-adult for every 3.27 adults. The mortality of the adults
is also great. He adduces as a further cause of the decrease the
inequality of the sexes; for fewer females are born than males. To this
latter point, depending perhaps on a widely distinct cause, I shall return
in a future chapter. Mr. Fenton contrasts with astonishment the decrease
in New Zealand with the increase in Ireland; countries not very dissimilar
in climate, and where the inhabitants now follow nearly similar habits.
The Maories themselves (p. 35) “attribute their decadence, in some measure,
to the introduction of new food and clothing, and the attendant change of
habits”; and it will be seen, when we consider the influence of changed
conditions on fertility, that they are probably right. The diminution
began between the years 1830 and 1840; and Mr. Fenton shews (p. 40) that
about 1830, the art of manufacturing putrid corn (maize), by long steeping
in water, was discovered and largely practised; and this proves that a
change of habits was beginning amongst the natives, even when New Zealand
was only thinly inhabited by Europeans. When I visited the Bay of Islands
in 1835, the dress and food of the inhabitants had already been much
modified: they raised potatoes, maize, and other agricultural produce, and
exchanged them for English manufactured goods and tobacco.

It is evident from many statements in the life of Bishop Patteson (42.
‘Life of J.C. Patteson,’ by C.M. Younge, 1874; see more especially vol. i.
p. 530.), that the Melanesians of the New Hebrides and neighbouring
archipelagoes, suffered to an extraordinary degree in health, and perished
in large numbers, when they were removed to New Zealand, Norfolk Island,
and other salubrious places, in order to be educated as missionaries.

The decrease of the native population of the Sandwich Islands is as
notorious as that of New Zealand. It has been roughly estimated by those
best capable of judging, that when Cook discovered the Islands in 1779, the
population amounted to about 300,000. According to a loose census in 1823,
the numbers then were 142,050. In 1832, and at several subsequent periods,
an accurate census was officially taken, but I have been able to obtain
only the following returns:
Native Population         Annual rate of decrease
per cent., assuming it to
(Except during 1832 and     have been uniform between
1836, when the few         the successive censuses;
foreigners in the islands    these censuses being taken
Year        were included.)             at irregular intervals.

1832             130,313
1836             108,579
1853             71,019
1860             67,084
1866             58,765
1872             51,531

We here see that in the interval of forty years, between 1832 and 1872, the
population has decreased no less than sixty-eight per cent.! This has been
attributed by most writers to the profligacy of the women, to former bloody
wars, and to the severe labour imposed on conquered tribes and to newly
introduced diseases, which have been on several occasions extremely
destructive. No doubt these and other such causes have been highly
efficient, and may account for the extraordinary rate of decrease between
the years 1832 and 1836; but the most potent of all the causes seems to be
lessened fertility. According to Dr. Ruschenberger of the U.S. Navy, who
visited these islands between 1835 and 1837, in one district of Hawaii,
only twenty-five men out of 1134, and in another district only ten out of
637, had a family with as many as three children. Of eighty married women,
only thirty-nine had ever borne children; and “the official report gives an
average of half a child to each married couple in the whole island.” This
is almost exactly the same average as with the Tasmanians at Oyster Cove.
Jarves, who published his History in 1843, says that “families who have
three children are freed from all taxes; those having more, are rewarded by
gifts of land and other encouragements.” This unparalleled enactment by
the government well shews how infertile the race had become. The Rev. A.
Bishop stated in the Hawaiian ‘Spectator’ in 1839, that a large proportion
of the children die at early ages, and Bishop Staley informs me that this
is still the case, just as in New Zealand. This has been attributed to the
neglect of the children by the women, but it is probably in large part due
to innate weakness of constitution in the children, in relation to the
lessened fertility of their parents. There is, moreover, a further
resemblance to the case of New Zealand, in the fact that there is a large
excess of male over female births: the census of 1872 gives 31,650 males
to 25,247 females of all ages, that is 125.36 males for every 100 females;
whereas in all civilised countries the females exceed the males. No doubt
the profligacy of the women may in part account for their small fertility;
but their changed habits of life is a much more probable cause, and which
will at the same time account for the increased mortality, especially of
the children. The islands were visited by Cook in 1779, Vancouver in 1794,
and often subsequently by whalers. In 1819 missionaries arrived, and found
that idolatry had been already abolished, and other changes effected by the
king. After this period there was a rapid change in almost all the habits
of life of the natives, and they soon became “the most civilised of the
Pacific Islanders.” One of my informants, Mr. Coan, who was born on the
islands, remarks that the natives have undergone a greater change in their
habits of life in the course of fifty years than Englishmen during a
thousand years. From information received from Bishop Staley, it does not
appear that the poorer classes have ever much changed their diet, although
many new kinds of fruit have been introduced, and the sugar-cane is in
universal use. Owing, however, to their passion for imitating Europeans,
they altered their manner of dressing at an early period, and the use of
alcoholic drinks became very general. Although these changes appear
inconsiderable, I can well believe, from what is known with respect to
animals, that they might suffice to lessen the fertility of the natives.
(43. The foregoing statements are taken chiefly from the following works:
Jarves’ ‘History of the Hawaiian Islands,’ 1843, pp. 400-407. Cheever,
‘Life in the Sandwich Islands,’ 1851, p. 277. Ruschenberger is quoted by
Bonwick, ‘Last of the Tasmanians,’ 1870, p. 378. Bishop is quoted by Sir
E. Belcher, ‘Voyage Round the World,’ 1843, vol. i. p. 272. I owe the
census of the several years to the kindness of Mr. Coan, at the request of
Dr. Youmans of New York; and in most cases I have compared the Youmans
figures with those given in several of the above-named works. I have
omitted the census for 1850, as I have seen two widely different numbers

Lastly, Mr. Macnamara states (44. ‘The Indian Medical Gazette,’ Nov. 1,
1871, p. 240.) that the low and degraded inhabitants of the Andaman
Islands, on the eastern side of the Gulf of Bengal, are “eminently
susceptible to any change of climate: in fact, take them away from their
island homes, and they are almost certain to die, and that independently of
diet or extraneous influences.” He further states that the inhabitants of
the Valley of Nepal, which is extremely hot in summer, and also the various
hill-tribes of India.

The Descent Of Man

Chapter XVII



The law of battle–Special weapons, confined to the males–Cause of absence
of weapons in the female–Weapons common to both sexes, yet primarily
acquired by the male–Other uses of such weapons–Their high importance–
Greater size of the male–Means of defence–On the preference shown by
either sex in the pairing of quadrupeds.

With mammals the male appears to win the female much more through the law
of battle than through the display of his charms. The most timid animals,
not provided with any special weapons for fighting, engage in desperate
conflicts during the season of love. Two male hares have been seen to
fight together until one was killed; male moles often fight, and sometimes
with fatal results; male squirrels engage in frequent contests, “and often
wound each other severely”; as do male beavers, so that “hardly a skin is
without scars.” (1. See Waterton’s account of two hares fighting,
‘Zoologist,’ vol. i. 1843, p. 211. On moles, Bell, ‘Hist. of British
Quadrupeds,’ 1st ed., p. 100. On squirrels, Audubon and Bachman,
Viviparous Quadrupeds of N. America, 1846, p. 269. On beavers, Mr. A.H.
Green, in ‘Journal of Linnean Society, Zoology,’ vol. x. 1869, p. 362.) I
observed the same fact with the hides of the guanacoes in Patagonia; and on
one occasion several were so absorbed in fighting that they fearlessly
rushed close by me. Livingstone speaks of the males of the many animals in
Southern Africa as almost invariably shewing the scars received in former

The law of battle prevails with aquatic as with terrestrial mammals. It is
notorious how desperately male seals fight, both with their teeth and
claws, during the breeding-season; and their hides are likewise often
covered with scars. Male sperm-whales are very jealous at this season; and
in their battles “they often lock their jaws together, and turn on their
sides and twist about”; so that their lower jaws often become distorted.
(2. On the battles of seals, see Capt. C. Abbott in ‘Proc. Zool. Soc.’
1868, p. 191; Mr. R. Brown, ibid. 1868, p. 436; also L. Lloyd, ‘Game Birds
of Sweden,’ 1867, p. 412; also Pennant. On the sperm-whale see Mr. J.H.
Thompson, in ‘Proc. Zool. Soc.’ 1867, p. 246.)

All male animals which are furnished with special weapons for fighting, are
well known to engage in fierce battles. The courage and the desperate
conflicts of stags have often been described; their skeletons have been
found in various parts of the world, with the horns inextricably locked
together, shewing how miserably the victor and vanquished had perished.
(3. See Scrope (‘Art of Deer-stalking,’ p. 17) on the locking of the horns
with the Cervus elaphus. Richardson, in ‘Fauna Bor. Americana,’ 1829, p.
252, says that the wapiti, moose, and reindeer have been found thus locked
together. Sir. A. Smith found at the Cape of Good Hope the skeletons of
two gnus in the same condition.) No animal in the world is so dangerous as
an elephant in must. Lord Tankerville has given me a graphic description
of the battles between the wild bulls in Chillingham Park, the descendants,
degenerated in size but not in courage, of the gigantic Bos primigenius.
In 1861 several contended for mastery; and it was observed that two of the
younger bulls attacked in concert the old leader of the herd, overthrew and
disabled him, so that he was believed by the keepers to be lying mortally
wounded in a neighbouring wood. But a few days afterwards one of the young
bulls approached the wood alone; and then the “monarch of the chase,” who
had been lashing himself up for vengeance, came out and, in a short time,
killed his antagonist. He then quietly joined the herd, and long held
undisputed sway. Admiral Sir B.J. Sulivan informs me that, when he lived
in the Falkland Islands, he imported a young English stallion, which
frequented the hills near Port William with eight mares. On these hills
there were two wild stallions, each with a small troop of mares; “and it is
certain that these stallions would never have approached each other without
fighting. Both had tried singly to fight the English horse and drive away
his mares, but had failed. One day they came in TOGETHER and attacked him.
This was seen by the capitan who had charge of the horses, and who, on
riding to the spot, found one of the two stallions engaged with the English
horse, whilst the other was driving away the mares, and had already
separated four from the rest. The capitan settled the matter by driving
the whole party into the corral, for the wild stallions would not leave the

Male animals which are provided with efficient cutting or tearing teeth for
the ordinary purposes of life, such as the carnivora, insectivora, and
rodents, are seldom furnished with weapons especially adapted for fighting
with their rivals. The case is very different with the males of many other
animals. We see this in the horns of stags and of certain kinds of
antelopes in which the females are hornless. With many animals the canine
teeth in the upper or lower jaw, or in both, are much larger in the males
than in the females, or are absent in the latter, with the exception
sometimes of a hidden rudiment. Certain antelopes, the musk-deer, camel,
horse, boar, various apes, seals, and the walrus, offer instances. In the
females of the walrus the tusks are sometimes quite absent. (4. Mr.
Lamont (‘Seasons with the Sea-Horses,’ 1861, p. 143) says that a good tusk
of the male walrus weighs 4 pounds, and is longer than that of the female,
which weighs about 3 pounds. The males are described as fighting
ferociously. On the occasional absence of the tusks in the female, see Mr.
R. Brown, ‘Proceedings, Zoological Society,’ 1868, p. 429.) In the male
elephant of India and in the male dugong (5. Owen, ‘Anatomy of
Vertebrates,’ vol. iii. p. 283.) the upper incisors form offensive weapons.
In the male narwhal the left canine alone is developed into the well-known,
spirally-twisted, so-called horn, which is sometimes from nine to ten feet
in length. It is believed that the males use these horns for fighting
together; for “an unbroken one can rarely be got, and occasionally one may
be found with the point of another jammed into the broken place.” (6. Mr.
R. Brown, in ‘Proc. Zool. Soc.’ 1869, p. 553. See Prof. Turner, in
‘Journal of Anat. and Phys.’ 1872, p. 76, on the homological nature of
these tusks. Also Mr. J.W. Clarke on two tusks being developed in the
males, in ‘Proceedings of the Zoological Society,’ 1871, p. 42.) The tooth
on the opposite side of the head in the male consists of a rudiment about
ten inches in length, which is embedded in the jaw; but sometimes, though
rarely, both are equally developed on the two sides. In the female both
are always rudimentary. The male cachalot has a larger head than that of
the female, and it no doubt aids him in his aquatic battles. Lastly, the
adult male ornithorhynchus is provided with a remarkable apparatus, namely
a spur on the foreleg, closely resembling the poison-fang of a venomous
snake; but according to Harting, the secretion from the gland is not
poisonous; and on the leg of the female there is a hollow, apparently for
the reception of the spur. (7. Owen on the cachalot and Ornithorhynchus,
ibid. vol. iii. pp. 638, 641. Harting is quoted by Dr. Zouteveen in the
Dutch translation of this work, vol. ii. p. 292.)

When the males are provided with weapons which in the females are absent,
there can be hardly a doubt that these serve for fighting with other males;
and that they were acquired through sexual selection, and were transmitted
to the male sex alone. It is not probable, at least in most cases, that
the females have been prevented from acquiring such weapons, on account of
their being useless, superfluous, or in some way injurious. On the
contrary, as they are often used by the males for various purposes, more
especially as a defence against their enemies, it is a surprising fact that
they are so poorly developed, or quite absent, in the females of so many
animals. With female deer the development during each recurrent season of
great branching horns, and with female elephants the development of immense
tusks, would be a great waste of vital power, supposing that they were of
no use to the females. Consequently, they would have tended to be
eliminated in the female through natural selection; that is, if the
successive variations were limited in their transmission to the female sex,
for otherwise the weapons of the males would have been injuriously
affected, and this would have been a greater evil. On the whole, and from
the consideration of the following facts, it seems probable that when the
various weapons differ in the two sexes, this has generally depended on the
kind of transmission which has prevailed.

As the reindeer is the one species in the whole family of Deer, in which
the female is furnished with horns, though they are somewhat smaller,
thinner, and less branched than in the male, it might naturally be thought
that, at least in this case, they must be of some special service to her.
The female retains her horns from the time when they are fully developed,
namely, in September, throughout the winter until April or May, when she
brings forth her young. Mr. Crotch made particular enquiries for me in
Norway, and it appears that the females at this season conceal themselves
for about a fortnight in order to bring forth their young, and then
reappear, generally hornless. In Nova Scotia, however, as I hear from Mr.
H. Reeks, the female sometimes retains her horns longer. The male on the
other hand casts his horns much earlier, towards the end of November. As
both sexes have the same requirements and follow the same habits of life,
and as the male is destitute of horns during the winter, it is improbable
that they can be of any special service to the female during this season,
which includes the larger part of the time during which she is horned. Nor
is it probable that she can have inherited horns from some ancient
progenitor of the family of deer, for, from the fact of the females of so
many species in all quarters of the globe not having horns, we may conclude
that this was the primordial character of the group. (8. On the structure
and shedding of the horns of the reindeer, Hoffberg, ‘Amoenitates Acad.’
vol. iv. 1788, p. 149. See Richardson, ‘Fauna Bor. Americana,’ p. 241, in
regard to the American variety or species: also Major W. Ross King, ‘The
Sportsman in Canada,’ 1866, p. 80.

The horns of the reindeer are developed at a most unusually early age; but
what the cause of this may be is not known. The effect has apparently been
the transference of the horns to both sexes. We should bear in mind that
horns are always transmitted through the female, and that she has a latent
capacity for their development, as we see in old or diseased females. (9.
Isidore Geoffroy St.-Hilaire, ‘Essais de Zoolog. Generale,’ 1841, p. 513.
Other masculine characters, besides the horns, are sometimes similarly
transferred to the female; thus Mr. Boner, in speaking of an old female
chamois (‘Chamois Hunting in the Mountains of Bavaria,’ 1860, 2nd ed., p.
363), says, “not only was the head very male-looking, but along the back
there was a ridge of long hair, usually to be found only in bucks.”)
Moreover the females of some other species of deer exhibit, either normally
or occasionally, rudiments of horns; thus the female of Cervulus moschatus
has “bristly tufts, ending in a knob, instead of a horn”; and “in most
specimens of the female wapiti (Cervus canadensis) there is a sharp bony
protuberance in the place of the horn.” (10. On the Cervulus, Dr. Gray,
‘Catalogue of Mammalia in the British Museum,’ part iii. p. 220. On the
Cervus canadensis or wapiti, see Hon. J.D. Caton, ‘Ottawa Academy of Nat.
Sciences,’ May 1868, p. 9.) From these several considerations we may
conclude that the possession of fairly well-developed horns by the female
reindeer, is due to the males having first acquired them as weapons for
fighting with other males; and secondarily to their development from some
unknown cause at an unusually early age in the males, and their consequent
transference to both sexes.

Turning to the sheath-horned ruminants: with antelopes a graduated series
can be formed, beginning with species, the females of which are completely
destitute of horns–passing on to those which have horns so small as to be
almost rudimentary (as with the Antilocapra americana, in which species
they are present in only one out of four or five females (11. I am
indebted to Dr. Canfield for this information; see also his paper in the
‘Proceedings of the Zoological Society,’ 1866, p. 105.))–to those which
have fairly developed horns, but manifestly smaller and thinner than in the
male and sometimes of a different shape (12. For instance the horns of the
female Ant. euchore resemble those of a distinct species, viz. the Ant.
dorcas var. Corine, see Desmarest, ‘Mammalogie,’ p. 455.),–and ending with
those in which both sexes have horns of equal size. As with the reindeer,
so with antelopes, there exists, as previously shewn, a relation between
the period of the development of the horns and their transmission to one or
both sexes; it is therefore probable that their presence or absence in the
females of some species, and their more or less perfect condition in the
females of other species, depends, not on their being of any special use,
but simply on inheritance. It accords with this view that even in the same
restricted genus both sexes of some species, and the males alone of others,
are thus provided. It is also a remarkable fact that, although the females
of Antilope bezoartica are normally destitute of horns, Mr. Blyth has seen
no less than three females thus furnished; and there was no reason to
suppose that they were old or diseased.

In all the wild species of goats and sheep the horns are larger in the male
than in the female, and are sometimes quite absent in the latter. (13.
Gray, ‘Catalogue of Mammalia, the British Museum,’ part iii. 1852, p. 160.)
In several domestic breeds of these two animals, the males alone are
furnished with horns; and in some breeds, for instance, in the sheep of
North Wales, though both sexes are properly horned, the ewes are very
liable to be hornless. I have been informed by a trustworthy witness, who
purposely inspected a flock of these same sheep during the lambing season,
that the horns at birth are generally more fully developed in the male than
in the female. Mr. J. Peel crossed his Lonk sheep, both sexes of which
always bear horns, with hornless Leicesters and hornless Shropshire Downs;
and the result was that the male offspring had their horns considerably
reduced, whilst the females were wholly destitute of them. These several
facts indicate that, with sheep, the horns are a much less firmly fixed
character in the females than in the males; and this leads us to look at
the horns as properly of masculine origin.

With the adult musk-ox (Ovibos moschatus) the horns of the male are larger
than those of the female, and in the latter the bases do not touch. (14.
Richardson, ‘Fauna Bor. Americana,’ p. 278.) In regard to ordinary cattle
Mr. Blyth remarks: “In most of the wild bovine animals the horns are both
longer and thicker in the bull than in the cow, and in the cow-banteng (Bos
sondaicus) the horns are remarkably small, and inclined much backwards. In
the domestic races of cattle, both of the humped and humpless types, the
horns are short and thick in the bull, longer and more slender in the cow
and ox; and in the Indian buffalo, they are shorter and thicker in the
bull, longer and more slender in the cow. In the wild gaour (B. gaurus)
the horns are mostly both longer and thicker in the bull than in the cow.”
(15. ‘Land and Water,’ 1867, p. 346.) Dr. Forsyth Major also informs me
that a fossil skull, believed to be that of the female Bos etruscus, has
been found in Val d’Arno, which is wholly without horns. In the Rhinoceros
simus, as I may add, the horns of the female are generally longer but less
powerful than in the male; and in some other species of rhinoceros they are
said to be shorter in the female. (16. Sir Andrew Smith, ‘Zoology of S.
Africa,’ pl. xix. Owen, ‘Anatomy of Vertebrates,’ vol. iii. p. 624.) From
these various facts we may infer as probable that horns of all kinds, even
when they are equally developed in the two sexes, were primarily acquired
by the male in order to conquer other males, and have been transferred more
or less completely to the female.

The effects of castration deserve notice, as throwing light on this same
point. Stags after the operation never renew their horns. The male
reindeer, however, must be excepted, as after castration he does renew
them. This fact, as well as the possession of horns by both sexes, seems
at first to prove that the horns in this species do not constitute a sexual
character (17. This is the conclusion of Seidlitz, ‘Die Darwinsche
Theorie,’ 1871, p. 47.); but as they are developed at a very early age,
before the sexes differ in constitution, it is not surprising that they
should be unaffected by castration, even if they were aboriginally acquired
by the male. With sheep both sexes properly bear horns; and I am informed
that with Welch sheep the horns of the males are considerably reduced by
castration; but the degree depends much on the age at which the operation
is performed, as is likewise the case with other animals. Merino rams have
large horns, whilst the ewes “generally speaking are without horns”; and in
this breed castration seems to produce a somewhat greater effect, so that
if performed at an early age the horns “remain almost undeveloped.” (18.
I am much obliged to Prof. Victor Carus, for having made enquiries for me
in Saxony on this subject. H. von Nathusius (‘Viehzucht,’ 1872, p. 64)
says that the horns of sheep castrated at an early period, either
altogether disappear or remain as mere rudiments; but I do not know whether
he refers to merinos or to ordinary breeds.) On the Guinea coast there is
a breed in which the females never bear horns, and, as Mr. Winwood Reade
informs me, the rams after castration are quite destitute of them. With
cattle, the horns of the males are much altered by castration; for instead
of being short and thick, they become longer than those of the cow, but
otherwise resemble them. The Antilope bezoartica offers a somewhat
analogous case: the males have long straight spiral horns, nearly parallel
to each other, and directed backwards; the females occasionally bear horns,
but these when present are of a very different shape, for they are not
spiral, and spreading widely, bend round with the points forwards. Now it
is a remarkable fact that, in the castrated male, as Mr. Blyth informs me,
the horns are of the same peculiar shape as in the female, but longer and
thicker. If we may judge from analogy, the female probably shews us, in
these two cases of cattle and the antelope, the former condition of the
horns in some early progenitor of each species. But why castration should
lead to the reappearance of an early condition of the horns cannot be
explained with any certainty. Nevertheless, it seems probable, that in
nearly the same manner as the constitutional disturbance in the offspring,
caused by a cross between two distinct species or races, often leads to the
reappearance of long-lost characters (19. I have given various experiments
and other evidence proving that this is the case, in my ‘Variation of
Animals and Plants under Domestication,’ vol. ii. 1868, pp. 39-47.); so
here, the disturbance in the constitution of the individual, resulting from
castration, produces the same effect.

The tusks of the elephant, in the different species or races, differ
according to sex, nearly as do the horns of ruminants. In India and
Malacca the males alone are provided with well-developed tusks. The
elephant of Ceylon is considered by most naturalists as a distinct race,
but by some as a distinct species, and here “not one in a hundred is found
with tusks, the few that possess them being exclusively males.” (20. Sir
J. Emerson Tennent, ‘Ceylon,’ 1859, vol. ii. p. 274. For Malacca, ‘Journal
of Indian Archipelago,’ vol. iv. p. 357.) The African elephant is
undoubtedly distinct, and the female has large well-developed tusks, though
not so large as those of the male.

These differences in the tusks of the several races and species of
elephants–the great variability of the horns of deer, as notably in the
wild reindeer–the occasional presence of horns in the female Antilope
Bezoartica, and their frequent absence in the female of Antilocapra
americana–the presence of two tusks in some few male narwhals–the
complete absence of tusks in some female walruses–are all instances of the
extreme variability of secondary sexual characters, and of their liability
to differ in closely-allied forms.

Although tusks and horns appear in all cases to have been primarily
developed as sexual weapons, they often serve other purposes. The elephant
uses his tusks in attacking the tiger; according to Bruce, he scores the
trunks of trees until they can be thrown down easily, and he likewise thus
extracts the farinaceous cores of palms; in Africa he often uses one tusk,
always the same, to probe the ground and thus ascertain whether it will
bear his weight. The common bull defends the herd with his horns; and the
elk in Sweden has been known, according to Lloyd, to strike a wolf dead
with a single blow of his great horns. Many similar facts could be given.
One of the most curious secondary uses to which the horns of an animal may
be occasionally put is that observed by Captain Hutton (21. ‘Calcutta
Journal of Natural History,’ vol. ii, 1843, p. 526.) with the wild goat
(Capra aegagrus) of the Himalayas and, as it is also said with the ibex,
namely that when the male accidentally falls from a height he bends inwards
his head, and by alighting on his massive horns, breaks the shock. The
female cannot thus use her horns, which are smaller, but from her more
quiet disposition she does not need this strange kind of shield so much.

Each male animal uses his weapons in his own peculiar fashion. The common
ram makes a charge and butts with such force with the bases of his horns,
that I have seen a powerful man knocked over like a child. Goats and
certain species of sheep, for instance the Ovis cycloceros of Afghanistan
(22. Mr. Blyth, in ‘Land and Water,’ March, 1867, p. 134, on the authority
of Capt. Hutton and others. For the wild Pembrokeshire goats, see the
‘Field,’ 1869, p. 150.), rear on their hind legs, and then not only butt,
but “make a cut down and a jerk up, with the ribbed front of their
scimitar-shaped horn, as with a sabre. When the O. cycloceros attacked a
large domestic ram, who was a noted bruiser, he conquered him by the sheer
novelty of his mode of fighting, always closing at once with his adversary,
and catching him across the face and nose with a sharp drawing jerk of the
head, and then bounding out of the way before the blow could be returned.”
In Pembrokeshire a male goat, the master of a flock which during several
generations had run wild, was known to have killed several males in single
combat; this goat possessed enormous horns, measuring thirty-nine inches in
a straight line from tip to tip. The common bull, as every one knows,
gores and tosses his opponent; but the Italian buffalo is said never to use
his horns: he gives a tremendous blow with his convex forehead, and then
tramples on his fallen enemy with his knees–an instinct which the common
bull does not possess. (23. M. E.M. Bailly, “Sur l’usage des cornes,”
etc., .Annal des Sciences Nat.’ tom. ii. 1824, p. 369.) Hence a dog who
pins a buffalo by the nose is immediately crushed. We must, however,
remember that the Italian buffalo has been long domesticated, and it is by
no means certain that the wild parent-form had similar horns. Mr. Bartlett
informs me that when a female Cape buffalo (Bubalus caffer) was turned into
an enclosure with a bull of the same species, she attacked him, and he in
return pushed her about with great violence. But it was manifest to Mr.
Bartlett that, had not the bull shewn dignified forbearance, he could
easily have killed her by a single lateral thrust with his immense horns.
The giraffe uses his short, hair-covered horns, which are rather longer in
the male than in the female, in a curious manner; for, with his long neck,
he swings his head to either side, almost upside down, with such force that
I have seen a hard plank deeply indented by a single blow.

[Fig. 63. Oryx leucoryx, male (from the Knowsley Menagerie).]

With antelopes it is sometimes difficult to imagine how they can possibly
use their curiously-shaped horns; thus the springboc (Ant. euchore) has
rather short upright horns, with the sharp points bent inwards almost at
right angles, so as to face each other; Mr. Bartlett does not know how they
are used, but suggests that they would inflict a fearful wound down each
side of the face of an antagonist. The slightly-curved horns of the Oryx
leucoryx (Fig. 63) are directed backwards, and are of such length that
their points reach beyond the middle of the back, over which they extend in
almost parallel lines. Thus they seem singularly ill-fitted for fighting;
but Mr. Bartlett informs me that when two of these animals prepare for
battle, they kneel down, with their beads between their fore legs, and in
this attitude the horns stand nearly parallel and close to the ground, with
the points directed forwards and a little upwards. The combatants then
gradually approach each other, and each endeavours to get the upturned
points under the body of the other; if one succeeds in doing this, he
suddenly springs up, throwing up his head at the same time, and can thus
wound or perhaps even transfix his antagonist. Both animals always kneel
down, so as to guard as far as possible against this manoeuvre. It has
been recorded that one of these antelopes has used his horn with effect
even against a lion; yet from being forced to place his head between the
forelegs in order to bring the points of the horns forward, he would
generally be under a great disadvantage when attacked by any other animal.
It is, therefore, not probable that the horns have been modified into their
present great length and peculiar position, as a protection against beasts
of prey. We can however see that, as soon as some ancient male progenitor
of the Oryx acquired moderately long horns, directed a little backwards, he
would be compelled, in his battles with rival males, to bend his head
somewhat inwards or downwards, as is now done by certain stags; and it is
not improbable that he might have acquired the habit of at first
occasionally and afterwards of regularly kneeling down. In this case it is
almost certain that the males which possessed the longest horns would have
had a great advantage over others with shorter horns; and then the horns
would gradually have been rendered longer and longer, through sexual
selection, until they acquired their present extraordinary length and

With stags of many kinds the branches of the horns offer a curious case of
difficulty; for certainly a single straight point would inflict a much more
serious wound than several diverging ones. In Sir Philip Egerton’s museum
there is a horn of the red-deer (Cervus elaphus), thirty inches in length,
with “not fewer than fifteen snags or branches”; and at Moritzburg there is
still preserved a pair of antlers of a red-deer, shot in 1699 by Frederick
I., one of which bears the astonishing number of thirty-three branches and
the other twenty-seven, making altogether sixty branches. Richardson
figures a pair of antlers of the wild reindeer with twenty-nine points.
(24. On the horns of red-deer, Owen, ‘British Fossil Mammals,’ 1846, p.
478; Richardson on the horns of the reindeer, ‘Fauna Bor. Americana,’ 1829,
p. 240. I am indebted to Prof. Victor Carus, for the Moritzburg case.)
From the manner in which the horns are branched, and more especially from
deer being known occasionally to fight together by kicking with their fore-
feet (25. Hon. J.D. Caton (‘Ottawa Acad. of Nat. Science,’ May 1868, p. 9)
says that the American deer fight with their fore-feet, after “the question
of superiority has been once settled and acknowledged in the herd.”
Bailly, ‘Sur l’Usage des cornes,’ ‘Annales des Sciences Nat.’ tom. ii.
1824, p. 371.), M. Bailly actually comes to the conclusion that their horns
are more injurious than useful to them. But this author overlooks the
pitched battles between rival males. As I felt much perplexed about the
use or advantage of the branches, I applied to Mr. McNeill of Colonsay, who
has long and carefully observed the habits of red-deer, and he informs me
that he has never seen some of the branches brought into use, but that the
brow antlers, from inclining downwards, are a great protection to the
forehead, and their points are likewise used in attack. Sir Philip Egerton
also informs me both as to red-deer and fallow-deer that, in fighting, they
suddenly dash together, and getting their horns fixed against each other’s
bodies, a desperate struggle ensues. When one is at last forced to yield
and turn round, the victor endeavours to plunge his brow antlers into his
defeated foe. It thus appears that the upper branches are used chiefly or
exclusively for pushing and fencing. Nevertheless in some species the
upper branches are used as weapons of offence; when a man was attacked by a
wapiti deer (Cervus canadensis) in Judge Caton’s park in Ottawa, and
several men tried to rescue him, the stag “never raised his head from the
ground; in fact he kept his face almost flat on the ground, with his nose
nearly between his fore feet, except when he rolled his head to one side to
take a new observation preparatory to a plunge.” In this position the ends
of the horns were directed against his adversaries. “In rolling his head
he necessarily raised it somewhat, because his antlers were so long that he
could not roll his head without raising them on one side, while, on the
other side they touched the ground.” The stag by this procedure gradually
drove the party of rescuers backwards to a distance of 150 or 200 feet; and
the attacked man was killed. (26. See a most interesting account in the
Appendix to Hon. J.D. Caton’s paper, as above quoted.)

[Fig. 64. Strepsiceros Kudu (from Sir Andrew Smith’s ‘Zoology of South

Although the horns of stags are efficient weapons, there can, I think be no
doubt that a single point would have been much more dangerous than a
branched antler; and Judge Caton, who has had large experience with deer,
fully concurs in this conclusion. Nor do the branching horns, though
highly important as a means of defence against rival stags, appear
perfectly well adapted for this purpose, as they are liable to become
interlocked. The suspicion has therefore crossed my mind that they may
serve in part as ornaments. That the branched antlers of stags as well as
the elegant lyrated horns of certain antelopes, with their graceful double
curvature (Fig. 64), are ornamental in our eyes, no one will dispute. If,
then, the horns, like the splendid accoutrements of the knights of old, add
to the noble appearance of stags and antelopes, they may have been modified
partly for this purpose, though mainly for actual service in battle; but I
have no evidence in favour of this belief.

An interesting case has lately been published, from which it appears that
the horns of a deer in one district in the United States are now being
modified through sexual and natural selection. A writer in an excellent
American Journal (27. The ‘American Naturalist,’ Dec. 1869, p. 552.) says,
that he has hunted for the last twenty-one years in the Adirondacks, where
the Cervus virginianus abounds. About fourteen years ago he first heard of
SPIKE-HORN BUCKS. These became from year to year more common; about five
years ago he shot one, and afterwards another, and now they are frequently
killed. “The spike-horn differs greatly from the common antler of the C.
virginianus. It consists of a single spike, more slender than the antler,
and scarcely half so long, projecting forward from the brow, and
terminating in a very sharp point. It gives a considerable advantage to
its possessor over the common buck. Besides enabling him to run more
swiftly through the thick woods and underbrush (every hunter knows that
does and yearling bucks run much more rapidly than the large bucks when
armed with their cumbrous antlers), the spike-horn is a more effective
weapon than the common antler. With this advantage the spike-horn bucks
are gaining upon the common bucks, and may, in time, entirely supersede
them in the Adirondacks. Undoubtedly, the first spike-horn buck was merely
an accidental freak of nature. But his spike-horns gave him an advantage,
and enabled him to propagate his peculiarity. His descendants having a
like advantage, have propagated the peculiarity in a constantly increasing
ratio, till they are slowly crowding the antlered deer from the region they
inhabit.” A critic has well objected to this account by asking, why, if
the simple horns are now so advantageous, were the branched antlers of the
parent-form ever developed? To this I can only answer by remarking, that a
new mode of attack with new weapons might be a great advantage, as shewn by
the case of the Ovis cycloceros, who thus conquered a domestic ram famous
for his fighting power. Though the branched antlers of a stag are well
adapted for fighting with his rivals, and though it might be an advantage
to the prong-horned variety slowly to acquire long and branched horns, if
he had to fight only with others of the same kind, yet it by no means
follows that branched horns would be the best fitted for conquering a foe
differently armed. In the foregoing case of the Oryx leucoryx, it is
almost certain that the victory would rest with an antelope having short
horns, and who therefore did not need to kneel down, though an oryx might
profit by having still longer horns, if he fought only with his proper

Male quadrupeds, which are furnished with tusks, use them in various ways,
as in the case of horns. The boar strikes laterally and upwards; the musk-
deer downwards with serious effect. (28. Pallas, ‘Spicilegia Zoologica,’
fasc. xiii. 1779, p. 18.) The walrus, though having so short a neck and so
unwieldy a body, “can strike either upwards, or downwards, or sideways,
with equal dexterity.” (29. Lamont, ‘Seasons with the Sea-Horses,’ 1861,
p. 141.) I was informed by the late Dr. Falconer, that the Indian elephant
fights in a different manner according to the position and curvature of his
tusks. When they are directed forwards and upwards he is able to fling a
tiger to a great distance–it is said to even thirty feet; when they are
short and turned downwards he endeavours suddenly to pin the tiger to the
ground and, in consequence, is dangerous to the rider, who is liable to be
jerked off the howdah. (30. See also Corse (‘Philosophical Transactions,’
1799, p. 212) on the manner in which the short-tusked Mooknah variety
attacks other elephants.)

Very few male quadrupeds possess weapons of two distinct kinds specially
adapted for fighting with rival males. The male muntjac-deer (Cervulus),
however, offers an exception, as he is provided with horns and exserted
canine teeth. But we may infer from what follows that one form of weapon
has often been replaced in the course of ages by another. With ruminants
the development of horns generally stands in an inverse relation with that
of even moderately developed canine teeth. Thus camels, guanacoes,
chevrotains, and musk-deer, are hornless, and they have efficient canines;
these teeth being “always of smaller size in the females than in the
males.” The Camelidae have, in addition to their true canines, a pair of
canine-shaped incisors in their upper jaws. (31. Owen, ‘Anatomy of
Vertebrates,’ vol. iii. p. 349.) Male deer and antelopes, on the other
hand, possess horns, and they rarely have canine teeth; and these, when
present, are always of small size, so that it is doubtful whether they are
of any service in their battles. In Antilope montana they exist only as
rudiments in the young male, disappearing as he grows old; and they are
absent in the female at all ages; but the females of certain other
antelopes and of certain deer have been known occasionally to exhibit
rudiments of these teeth. (32. See Ruppell (in ‘Proc. Zoolog. Soc.’ Jan.
12, 1836, p. 3) on the canines in deer and antelopes, with a note by Mr.
Martin on a female American deer. See also Falconer (‘Palaeont. Memoirs
and Notes,’ vol. i. 1868, p. 576) on canines in an adult female deer. In
old males of the musk-deer the canines (Pallas, ‘Spic. Zoolog.’ fasc. xiii.
1779, p. 18) sometimes grow to the length of three inches, whilst in old
females a rudiment projects scarcely half an inch above the gums.)
Stallions have small canine teeth, which are either quite absent or
rudimentary in the mare; but they do not appear to be used in fighting, for
stallions bite with their incisors, and do not open their mouths wide like
camels and guanacoes. Whenever the adult male possesses canines, now
inefficient, whilst the female has either none or mere rudiments, we may
conclude that the early male progenitor of the species was provided with
efficient canines, which have been partially transferred to the females.
The reduction of these teeth in the males seems to have followed from some
change in their manner of fighting, often (but not in the horse) caused by
the development of new weapons.

Tusks and horns are manifestly of high importance to their possessors, for
their development consumes much organised matter. A single tusk of the
Asiatic elephant–one of the extinct woolly species–and of the African
elephant, have been known to weigh respectively 150, 160, and 180 pounds;
and even greater weights have been given by some authors. (33. Emerson
Tennent, ‘Ceylon,’ 1859, vol. ii. p. 275; Owen, ‘British Fossil Mammals,’
1846, p. 245.) With deer, in which the horns are periodically renewed, the
drain on the constitution must be greater; the horns, for instance, of the
moose weigh from fifty to sixty pounds, and those of the extinct Irish elk
from sixty to seventy pounds–the skull of the latter weighing on an
average only five pounds and a quarter. Although the horns are not
periodically renewed in sheep, yet their development, in the opinion of
many agriculturists, entails a sensible loss to the breeder. Stags,
moreover, in escaping from beasts of prey are loaded with an additional
weight for the race, and are greatly retarded in passing through a woody
country. The moose, for instance, with horns extending five and a half
feet from tip to tip, although so skilful in their use that he will not
touch or break a twig when walking quietly, cannot act so dexterously
whilst rushing away from a pack of wolves. “During his progress he holds
his nose up, so as to lay the horns horizontally back; and in this attitude
cannot see the ground distinctly.” (34. Richardson, ‘Fauna Bor.
Americana,’ on the moose, Alces palmata, pp. 236, 237; on the expanse of
the horns, ‘Land and Water,’ 1869, p. 143. See also Owen, ‘British Fossil
Mammals,’ on the Irish elk, pp. 447, 455.) The tips of the horns of the
great Irish elk were actually eight feet apart! Whilst the horns are
covered with velvet, which lasts with red-deer for about twelve weeks, they
are extremely sensitive to a blow; so that in Germany the stags at this
time somewhat change their habits, and avoiding dense forests, frequent
young woods and low thickets. (35. ‘Forest Creatures,’ by C. Boner, 1861,
p. 60.) These facts remind us that male birds have acquired ornamental
plumes at the cost of retarded flight, and other ornaments at the cost of
some loss of power in their battles with rival males.

With mammals, when, as is often the case, the sexes differ in size, the
males are almost always larger and stronger. I am informed by Mr. Gould
that this holds good in a marked manner with the marsupials of Australia,
the males of which appear to continue growing until an unusually late age.
But the most extraordinary case is that of one of the seals (Callorhinus
ursinus), a full-grown female weighing less than one-sixth of a full-grown
male. (36. See the very interesting paper by Mr. J.A. Allen in ‘Bull.
Mus. Comp. Zoology of Cambridge, United States,’ vol. ii. No. 1, p. 82.
The weights were ascertained by a careful observer, Capt. Bryant. Dr. Gill
in ‘The American Naturalist,’ January, 1871, Prof. Shaler on the relative
size of the sexes of whales, ‘American Naturalist,’ January, 1873.) Dr.
Gill remarks that it is with the polygamous seals, the males of which are
well known to fight savagely together, that the sexes differ much in size;
the monogamous species differing but little. Whales also afford evidence
of the relation existing between the pugnacity of the males and their large
size compared with that of the female; the males of the right-whales do not
fight together, and they are not larger, but rather smaller, than their
females; on the other hand, male sperm-whales fight much together, and
their bodies are “often found scarred with the imprint of their rival’s
teeth,” and they are double the size of the females. The greater strength
of the male, as Hunter long ago remarked (37. ‘Animal Economy,’ p. 45.),
is invariably displayed in those parts of the body which are brought into
action in fighting with rival males–for instance, in the massive neck of
the bull. Male quadrupeds are also more courageous and pugnacious than the
females. There can be little doubt that these characters have been gained,
partly through sexual selection, owing to a long series of victories, by
the stronger and more courageous males over the weaker, and partly through
the inherited effects of use. It is probable that the successive
variations in strength, size, and courage, whether due to mere variability
or to the effects of use, by the accumulation of which male quadrupeds have
acquired these characteristic qualities, occurred rather late in life, and
were consequently to a large extent limited in their transmission to the
same sex.

From these considerations I was anxious to obtain information as to the
Scotch deer-hound, the sexes of which differ more in size than those of any
other breed (though blood-hounds differ considerably), or than in any wild
canine species known to me. Accordingly, I applied to Mr. Cupples, well
known for his success with this breed, who has weighed and measured many of
his own dogs, and who has with great kindness collected for me the
following facts from various sources. Fine male dogs, measured at the
shoulder, range from 28 inches, which is low, to 33 or even 34 inches in
height; and in weight from 80 pounds, which is light, to 120 pounds, or
even more. The females range in height from 23 to 27, or even to 28
inches; and in weight from 50 to 70, or even 80 pounds. (38. See also
Richardson’s ‘Manual on the Dog,’ p. 59. Much valuable information on the
Scottish deer-hound is given by Mr. McNeill, who first called attention to
the inequality in size between the sexes, in Scrope’s ‘Art of Deer-
Stalking.’ I hope that Mr. Cupples will keep to his intention of
publishing a full account and history of this famous breed.) Mr. Cupples
concludes that from 95 to 100 pounds for the male, and 70 for the female,
would be a safe average; but there is reason to believe that formerly both
sexes attained a greater weight. Mr. Cupples has weighed puppies when a
fortnight old; in one litter the average weight of four males exceeded that
of two females by six and a half ounces; in another litter the average
weight of four males exceeded that of one female by less than one ounce;
the same males when three weeks old, exceeded the female by seven and a
half ounces, and at the age of six weeks by nearly fourteen ounces. Mr.
Wright of Yeldersley House, in a letter to Mr. Cupples, says: “I have
taken notes on the sizes and weights of puppies of many litters, and as far
as my experience goes, dog-puppies as a rule differ very little from
bitches till they arrive at about five or six months old; and then the dogs
begin to increase, gaining upon the bitches both in weight and size. At
birth, and for several weeks afterwards, a bitch-puppy will occasionally be
larger than any of the dogs, but they are invariably beaten by them later.”
Mr. McNeill, of Colonsay, concludes that “the males do not attain their
full growth till over two years old, though the females attain it sooner.”
According to Mr. Cupples’ experience, male dogs go on growing in stature
till they are from twelve to eighteen months old, and in weight till from
eighteen to twenty-four months old; whilst the females cease increasing in
stature at the age of from nine to fourteen or fifteen months, and in
weight at the age of from twelve to fifteen months. From these various
statements it is clear that the full difference in size between the male
and female Scotch deer-hound is not acquired until rather late in life.
The males almost exclusively are used for coursing, for, as Mr. McNeill
informs me, the females have not sufficient strength and weight to pull
down a full-grown deer. From the names used in old legends, it appears, as
I hear from Mr. Cupples, that, at a very ancient period, the males were the
most celebrated, the females being mentioned only as the mothers of famous
dogs. Hence, during many generations, it is the male which has been
chiefly tested for strength, size, speed, and courage, and the best will
have been bred from. As, however, the males do not attain their full
dimensions until rather late in life, they will have tended, in accordance
with the law often indicated, to transmit their characters to their male
offspring alone; and thus the great inequality in size between the sexes of
the Scotch deer-hound may probably be accounted for.

[Fig. 65. Head of Common wild boar, in prime of life (from Brehm).]

The males of some few quadrupeds possess organs or parts developed solely
as a means of defence against the attacks of other males. Some kinds of
deer use, as we have seen, the upper branches of their horns chiefly or
exclusively for defending themselves; and the Oryx antelope, as I am
informed by Mr. Bartlett, fences most skilfully with his long, gently
curved horns; but these are likewise used as organs of offence. The same
observer remarks that rhinoceroses in fighting, parry each other’s sidelong
blows with their horns, which clatter loudly together, as do the tusks of
boars. Although wild boars fight desperately, they seldom, according to
Brehm, receive fatal wounds, as the blows fall on each other’s tusks, or on
the layer of gristly skin covering the shoulder, called by the German
hunters, the shield; and here we have a part specially modified for
defence. With boars in the prime of life (Fig. 65) the tusks in the lower
jaw are used for fighting, but they become in old age, as Brehm states, so
much curved inwards and upwards over the snout that they can no longer be
used in this way. They may, however, still serve, and even more
effectively, as a means of defence. In compensation for the loss of the
lower tusks as weapons of offence, those in the upper jaw, which always
project a little laterally, increase in old age so much in length and curve
so much upwards that they can be used for attack. Nevertheless, an old
boar is not so dangerous to man as one at the age of six or seven years.
(39. Brehm, ‘Thierleben,’ B. ii. ss. 729-732.)

[Fig. 66. Skull of the Babirusa Pig (from Wallace’s ‘Malay Archipelago’).]

In the full-grown male Babirusa pig of Celebes (Fig. 66), the lower tusks
are formidable weapons, like those of the European boar in the prime of
life, whilst the upper tusks are so long and have their points so much
curled inwards, sometimes even touching the forehead, that they are utterly
useless as weapons of attack. They more nearly resemble horns than teeth,
and are so manifestly useless as teeth that the animal was formerly
supposed to rest his head by hooking them on to a branch! Their convex
surfaces, however, if the head were held a little laterally, would serve as
an excellent guard; and hence, perhaps, it is that in old animals they “are
generally broken off, as if by fighting.” (40. See Mr. Wallace’s
interesting account of this animal, ‘The Malay Archipelago,’ 1869, vol. i.
p. 435.) Here, then, we have the curious case of the upper tusks of the
Babirusa regularly assuming during the prime of life a structure which
apparently renders them fitted only for defence; whilst in the European
boar the lower tusks assume in a less degree and only during old age nearly
the same form, and then serve in like manner solely for defence.

[Fig. 67. Head of female Aethopian wart-hog, from ‘Proc. Zool. Soc.’ 1869,
shewing the same characters as the male, though on a reduced scale.
N.B. When the engraving was first made, I was under the impression that it
represented the male.]

In the wart-hog (see Phacochoerus aethiopicus, Fig. 67) the tusks in the
upper jaw of the male curve upwards during the prime of life, and from
being pointed serve as formidable weapons. The tusks in the lower jaw are
sharper than those in the upper, but from their shortness it seems hardly
possible that they can be used as weapons of attack. They must, however,
greatly strengthen those in the upper jaw, from being ground so as to fit
closely against their bases. Neither the upper nor the lower tusks appear
to have been specially modified to act as guards, though no doubt they are
to a certain extent used for this purpose. But the wart-hog is not
destitute of other special means of protection, for it has, on each side of
the face, beneath the eyes, a rather stiff, yet flexible, cartilaginous,
oblong pad (Fig. 67), which projects two or three inches outwards; and it
appeared to Mr. Bartlett and myself, when viewing the living animal, that
these pads, when struck from beneath by the tusks of an opponent, would be
turned upwards, and would thus admirably protect the somewhat prominent
eyes. I may add, on the authority of Mr. Bartlett, that these boars when
fighting stand directly face to face.

Lastly, the African river-hog (Potomochoerus penicillatus) has a hard
cartilaginous knob on each side of the face beneath the eyes, which answers
to the flexible pad of the wart-hog; it has also two bony prominences on
the upper jaw above the nostrils. A boar of this species in the Zoological
Gardens recently broke into the cage of the wart-hog. They fought all
night long, and were found in the morning much exhausted, but not seriously
wounded. It is a significant fact, as shewing the purposes of the above-
described projections and excrescences, that these were covered with blood,
and were scored and abraded in an extraordinary manner.

Although the males of so many members of the pig family are provided with
weapons, and as we have just seen with means of defence, these weapons seem
to have been acquired within a rather late geological period. Dr. Forsyth
Major specifies (41. ‘Atti della Soc. Italiana di Sc. Nat.’ 1873, vol. xv.
fasc. iv.) several miocene species, in none of which do the tusks appear to
have been largely developed in the males; and Professor Rutimeyer was
formerly struck with this same fact.

The mane of the lion forms a good defence against the attacks of rival
lions, the one danger to which he is liable; for the males, as Sir A. Smith
informs me, engage in terrible battles, and a young lion dares not approach
an old one. In 1857 a tiger at Bromwich broke into the cage of a lion and
a fearful scene ensued: “the lion’s mane saved his neck and head from
being much injured, but the tiger at last succeeded in ripping up his
belly, and in a few minutes he was dead.” (42. ‘The Times,’ Nov. 10,
1857. In regard to the Canada lynx, see Audubon and Bachman, ‘Quadrupeds
of North America,’ 1846, p. 139.) The broad ruff round the throat and chin
of the Canadian lynx (Felis canadensis) is much longer in the male than in
the female; but whether it serves as a defence I do not know. Male seals
are well known to fight desperately together, and the males of certain
kinds (Otaria jubata) (43. Dr. Murie, on Otaria, ‘Proc. Zoolog. Soc.’
1869, p. 109. Mr. J.A. Allen, in the paper above quoted (p. 75), doubts
whether the hair, which is longer on the neck in the male than in the
female, deserves to be called a mane.) have great manes, whilst the females
have small ones or none. The male baboon of the Cape of Good Hope
(Cynocephalus porcarius) has a much longer mane and larger canine teeth
than the female; and the mane probably serves as a protection, for, on
asking the keepers in the Zoological Gardens, without giving them any clue
to my object, whether any of the monkeys especially attacked each other by
the nape of the neck, I was answered that this was not the case, except
with the above baboon. In the Hamadryas baboon, Ehrenberg compares the
mane of the adult male to that of a young lion, whilst in the young of both
sexes and in the female the mane is almost absent.

It appeared to me probable that the immense woolly mane of the male
American bison, which reaches almost to the ground, and is much more
developed in the males than in the females, served as a protection to them
in their terrible battles; but an experienced hunter told Judge Caton that
he had never observed anything which favoured this belief. The stallion
has a thicker and fuller mane than the mare; and I have made particular
inquiries of two great trainers and breeders, who have had charge of many
entire horses, and am assured that they “invariably endeavour to seize one
another by the neck.” It does not, however, follow from the foregoing
statements, that when the hair on the neck serves as a defence, that it was
originally developed for this purpose, though this is probable in some
cases, as in that of the lion. I am informed by Mr. McNeill that the long
hairs on the throat of the stag (Cervus elaphus) serve as a great
protection to him when hunted, for the dogs generally endeavour to seize
him by the throat; but it is not probable that these hairs were specially
developed for this purpose; otherwise the young and the females would have
been equally protected.


Before describing in the next chapter, the differences between the sexes in
voice, odours emitted, and ornaments, it will be convenient here to
consider whether the sexes exert any choice in their unions. Does the
female prefer any particular male, either before or after the males may
have fought together for supremacy; or does the male, when not a
polygamist, select any particular female? The general impression amongst
breeders seems to be that the male accepts any female; and this owing to
his eagerness, is, in most cases, probably the truth. Whether the female
as a general rule indifferently accepts any male is much more doubtful. In
the fourteenth chapter, on Birds, a considerable body of direct and
indirect evidence was advanced, shewing that the female selects her
partner; and it would be a strange anomaly if female quadrupeds, which
stand higher in the scale and have higher mental powers, did not generally,
or at least often, exert some choice. The female could in most cases
escape, if wooed by a male that did not please or excite her; and when
pursued by several males, as commonly occurs, she would often have the
opportunity, whilst they were fighting together, of escaping with some one
male, or at least of temporarily pairing with him. This latter contingency
has often been observed in Scotland with female red-deer, as I am informed
by Sir Philip Egerton and others. (44. Mr. Boner, in his excellent
description of the habits of the red-deer in Germany (‘Forest Creatures,’
1861, p. 81) says, “while the stag is defending his rights against one
intruder, another invades the sanctuary of his harem, and carries off
trophy after trophy.” Exactly the same thing occurs with seals; see Mr.
J.A. Allen, ibid. p. 100.)

It is scarcely possible that much should be known about female quadrupeds
in a state of nature making any choice in their marriage unions. The
following curious details on the courtship of one of the eared seals
(Callorhinus ursinus) are given (45. Mr. J.A. Allen in ‘Bull. Mus. Comp.
Zoolog. of Cambridge, United States,’ vol. ii. No. 1, p. 99.) on the
authority of Capt. Bryant, who had ample opportunities for observation. He
says, “Many of the females on their arrival at the island where they breed
appear desirous of returning to some particular male, and frequently climb
the outlying rocks to overlook the rookeries, calling out and listening as
if for a familiar voice. Then changing to another place they do the same
again…As soon as a female reaches the shore, the nearest male goes down
to meet her, making meanwhile a noise like the clucking of a hen to her
chickens. He bows to her and coaxes her until he gets between her and the
water so that she cannot escape him. Then his manner changes, and with a
harsh growl he drives her to a place in his harem. This continues until
the lower row of harems is nearly full. Then the males higher up select
the time when their more fortunate neighbours are off their guard to steal
their wives. This they do by taking them in their mouths and lifting them
over the heads of the other females, and carefully placing them in their
own harem, carrying them as cats do their kittens. Those still higher up
pursue the same method until the whole space is occupied. Frequently a
struggle ensues between two males for the possession of the same female,
and both seizing her at once pull her in two or terribly lacerate her with
their teeth. When the space is all filled, the old male walks around
complacently reviewing his family, scolding those who crowd or disturb the
others, and fiercely driving off all intruders. This surveillance always
keeps him actively occupied.”

As so little is known about the courtship of animals in a state of nature,
I have endeavoured to discover how far our domesticated quadrupeds evince
any choice in their unions. Dogs offer the best opportunity for
observation, as they are carefully attended to and well understood. Many
breeders have expressed a strong opinion on this head. Thus, Mr. Mayhew
remarks, “The females are able to bestow their affections; and tender
recollections are as potent over them as they are known to be in other
cases, where higher animals are concerned. Bitches are not always prudent
in their loves, but are apt to fling themselves away on curs of low degree.
If reared with a companion of vulgar appearance, there often springs up
between the pair a devotion which no time can afterwards subdue. The
passion, for such it really is, becomes of a more than romantic endurance.”
Mr. Mayhew, who attended chiefly to the smaller breeds, is convinced that
the females are strongly attracted by males of a large size. (46. ‘Dogs:
their Management,’ by E. Mayhew, M.R.C.V.S., 2nd ed., 1864, pp. 187-192.)
The well-known veterinary Blaine states (47. Quoted by Alex. Walker, ‘On
Intermarriage,’ 1838, p. 276; see also p. 244.) that his own female pug dog
became so attached to a spaniel, and a female setter to a cur, that in
neither case would they pair with a dog of their own breed until several
weeks had elapsed. Two similar and trustworthy accounts have been given me
in regard to a female retriever and a spaniel, both of which became
enamoured with terrier-dogs.

Mr. Cupples informs me that he can personally vouch for the accuracy of the
following more remarkable case, in which a valuable and wonderfully-
intelligent female terrier loved a retriever belonging to a neighbour to
such a degree, that she had often to be dragged away from him. After their
permanent separation, although repeatedly shewing milk in her teats, she
would never acknowledge the courtship of any other dog, and to the regret
of her owner never bore puppies. Mr. Cupples also states, that in 1868, a
female deerhound in his kennel thrice produced puppies, and on each
occasion shewed a marked preference for one of the largest and handsomest,
but not the most eager, of four deerhounds living with her, all in the
prime of life. Mr. Cupples has observed that the female generally favours a
dog whom she has associated with and knows; her shyness and timidity at
first incline her against a strange dog. The male, on the contrary, seems
rather inclined towards strange females. It appears to be rare when the
male refuses any particular female, but Mr. Wright, of Yeldersley House, a
great breeder of dogs, informs me that he has known some instances; he
cites the case of one of his own deerhounds, who would not take any notice
of a particular female mastiff, so that another deerhound had to be
employed. It would be superfluous to give, as I could, other instances,
and I will only add that Mr. Barr, who has carefully bred many bloodhounds,
states that in almost every instance particular individuals of opposite
sexes shew a decided prefered.

The Autobiography of Charles Darwin

Written May 1st, 1881.


‘The Effects of Cross and Self-Fertilisation’ was published in
the autumn of 1876; and the results there arrived at explain, as
I believe, the endless and wonderful contrivances for the
transportal of pollen from one plant to another of the same
species. I now believe, however, chiefly from the observations
of Hermann Muller, that I ought to have insisted more strongly
than I did on the many adaptations for self-fertilisation; though
I was well aware of many such adaptations. A much enlarged
edition of my ‘Fertilisation of Orchids’,
English naturalist Charles Darwin wrote the book ‘Fertilization of Orchid’ in 1862. It took ten years to complete this book, this book explains about the how insects take part in the fertilization of British and foreign orchids and good effects of intercrossing. The observations presented in the book was slowly collected for many years. Click Learn More Here to know about the book. was published in 1877.

In this same year ‘The Different Forms of Flowers, etc.,’
appeared, and in 1880 a second edition. This book consists
chiefly of the several papers on Heterostyled flowers originally
published by the Linnean Society, corrected, with much new matter
added, together with observations on some other cases in which
the same plant bears two kinds of flowers. As before remarked,
no little discovery of mine ever gave me so much pleasure as the
making out the meaning of heterostyled flowers. The results of
crossing such flowers in an illegitimate manner, I believe to be
very important, as bearing on the sterility of hybrids; although
these results have been noticed by only a few persons.

In 1879, I had a translation of Dr. Ernst Krause’s ‘Life of
Erasmus Darwin’ published, and I added a sketch of his character
and habits from material in my possession. Many persons have
been much interested by this little life, and I am surprised that
only 800 or 900 copies were sold.

In 1880 I published, with [my son] Frank’s assistance, our ‘Power
of Movement in Plants.’ This was a tough piece of work. The
book bears somewhat the same relation to my little book on
‘Climbing Plants,’ which ‘Cross-Fertilisation’ did to the
‘Fertilisation of Orchids;’ for in accordance with the principle
of evolution it was impossible to account for climbing plants
having been developed in so many widely different groups unless
all kinds of plants possess some slight power of movement of an
analogous kind. This I proved to be the case; and I was further
led to a rather wide generalisation, viz. that the great and
important classes of movements, excited by light, the attraction
of gravity, etc., are all modified forms of the fundamental
movement of circumnutation. It has always pleased me to exalt
plants in the scale of organised beings; and I therefore felt an
especial pleasure in showing how many and what admirably well
adapted movements the tip of a root possesses.

I have now (May 1, 1881) sent to the printers the MS. of a little
book on ‘The Formation of Vegetable Mould, through the Action of
Worms.’ This is a subject of but small importance; and I know
not whether it will interest any readers (Between November 1881
and February 1884, 8500 copies have been sold.), but it has
interested me. It is the completion of a short paper read before
the Geological Society more than forty years ago, and has revived
old geological thoughts.

I have now mentioned all the books which I have published, and
these have been the milestones in my life, so that little remains
to be said. I am not conscious of any change in my mind during
the last thirty years, excepting in one point presently to be
mentioned; nor, indeed, could any change have been expected
unless one of general deterioration. But my father lived to his
eighty-third year with his mind as lively as ever it was, and all
his faculties undimmed; and I hope that I may die before my mind
fails to a sensible extent. I think that I have become a little
more skilful in guessing right explanations and in devising
experimental tests; but this may probably be the result of mere
practice, and of a larger store of knowledge. I have as much
difficulty as ever in expressing myself clearly and concisely;
and this difficulty has caused me a very great loss of time; but
it has had the compensating advantage of forcing me to think long
and intently about every sentence, and thus I have been led to
see errors in reasoning and in my own observations or those of

There seems to be a sort of fatality in my mind leading me to put
at first my statement or proposition in a wrong or awkward form.
Formerly I used to think about my sentences before writing them
down; but for several years I have found that it saves time to
scribble in a vile hand whole pages as quickly as I possibly can,
contracting half the words; and then correct deliberately.
Sentences thus scribbled down are often better ones than I could
have written deliberately.

Having said thus much about my manner of writing, I will add that
with my large books I spend a good deal of time over the general
arrangement of the matter. I first make the rudest outline in
two or three pages, and then a larger one in several pages, a few
words or one word standing for a whole discussion or series of
facts. Each one of these headings is again enlarged and often
transferred before I begin to write in extenso. As in several of
my books facts observed by others have been very extensively
used, and as I have always had several quite distinct subjects in
hand at the same time, I may mention that I keep from thirty to
forty large portfolios, in cabinets with labelled shelves, into
which I can at once put a detached reference or memorandum. I
have bought many books, and at their ends I make an index of all
the facts that concern my work; or, if the book is not my own,
write out a separate abstract, and of such abstracts I have a
large drawer full. Before beginning on any subject I look to all
the short indexes and make a general and classified index, and by
taking the one or more proper portfolios I have all the
information collected during my life ready for use.

I have said that in one respect my mind has changed during the
last twenty or thirty years. Up to the age of thirty, or beyond
it, poetry of many kinds, such as the works of Milton, Gray,
Byron, Wordsworth, Coleridge, and Shelley, gave me great
pleasure, and even as a schoolboy I took intense delight in
Shakespeare, especially in the historical plays. I have also
said that formerly pictures gave me considerable, and music very
great delight. But now for many years I cannot endure to read a
line of poetry: I have tried lately to read Shakespeare, and
found it so intolerably dull that it nauseated me. I have also
almost lost my taste for pictures or music. Music generally sets
me thinking too energetically on what I have been at work on,
instead of giving me pleasure. I retain some taste for fine
scenery, but it does not cause me the exquisite delight which it
formerly did. On the other hand, novels which are works of the
imagination, though not of a very high order, have been for years
a wonderful relief and pleasure to me, and I often bless all
novelists. A surprising number have been read aloud to me, and I
like all if moderately good, and if they do not end unhappily–
against which a law ought to be passed. A novel, according to my
taste, does not come into the first class unless it contains some
person whom one can thoroughly love, and if a pretty woman all
the better.

This curious and lamentable loss of the higher aesthetic tastes
is all the odder, as books on history, biographies, and travels
(independently of any scientific facts which they may contain),
and essays on all sorts of subjects interest me as much as ever
they did. My mind seems to have become a kind of machine for
grinding general laws out of large collections of facts, but why
this should have caused the atrophy of that part of the brain
alone, on which the higher tastes depend, I cannot conceive. A
man with a mind more highly organised or better constituted than
mine, would not, I suppose, have thus suffered; and if I had to
live my life again, I would have made a rule to read some poetry
and listen to some music at least once every week; for perhaps
the parts of my brain now atrophied would thus have been kept
active through use. The loss of these tastes is a loss of
happiness, and may possibly be injurious to the intellect, and
more probably to the moral character, by enfeebling the emotional
part of our nature.

My books have sold largely in England, have been translated into
many languages, and passed through several editions in foreign
countries. I have heard it said that the success of a work
abroad is the best test of its enduring value. I doubt whether
this is at all trustworthy; but judged by this standard my name
ought to last for a few years. Therefore it may be worth while
to try to analyse the mental qualities and the conditions on
which my success has depended; though I am aware that no man can
do this correctly.

I have no great quickness of apprehension or wit which is so
remarkable in some clever men, for instance, Huxley. I am
therefore a poor critic: a paper or book, when first read,
generally excites my admiration, and it is only after
considerable reflection that I perceive the weak points. My
power to follow a long and purely abstract train of thought is
very limited; and therefore I could never have succeeded with
metaphysics or mathematics. My memory is extensive, yet hazy:
it suffices to make me cautious by vaguely telling me that I have
observed or read something opposed to the conclusion which I am
drawing, or on the other hand in favour of it; and after a time I
can generally recollect where to search for my authority. So
poor in one sense is my memory, that I have never been able to
remember for more than a few days a single date or a line of

Some of my critics have said, “Oh, he is a good observer, but he
has no power of reasoning!” I do not think that this can be
true, for the ‘Origin of Species’ is one long argument from the
beginning to the end, and it has convinced not a few able men.
No one could have written it without having some power of
reasoning. I have a fair share of invention, and of common sense
or judgment, such as every fairly successful lawyer or doctor
must have, but not, I believe, in any higher degree.

On the favourable side of the balance, I think that I am superior
to the common run of men in noticing things which easily escape
attention, and in observing them carefully. My industry has been
nearly as great as it could have been in the observation and
collection of facts. What is far more important, my love of
natural science has been steady and ardent.

This pure love has, however, been much aided by the ambition to
be esteemed by my fellow naturalists. From my early youth I have
had the strongest desire to understand or explain whatever I
observed,–that is, to group all facts under some general laws.
These causes combined have given me the patience to reflect or
ponder for any number of years over any unexplained problem. As
far as I can judge, I am not apt to follow blindly the lead of
other men. I have steadily endeavoured to keep my mind free so
as to give up any hypothesis, however much beloved (and I cannot
resist forming one on every subject), as soon as facts are shown
to be opposed to it. Indeed, I have had no choice but to act in
this manner, for with the exception of the Coral Reefs, I cannot
remember a single first-formed hypothesis which had not after a
time to be given up or greatly modified. This has naturally led
me to distrust greatly deductive reasoning in the mixed sciences.
On the other hand, I am not very sceptical,–a frame of mind
which I believe to be injurious to the progress of science. A
good deal of scepticism in a scientific man is advisable to avoid
much loss of time, but I have met with not a few men, who, I feel
sure, have often thus been deterred from experiment or
observations, which would have proved directly or indirectly

In illustration, I will give the oddest case which I have known.
A gentleman (who, as I afterwards heard, is a good local
botanist) wrote to me from the Eastern counties that the seed or
beans of the common field-bean had this year everywhere grown on
the wrong side of the pod. I wrote back, asking for further
information, as I did not understand what was meant; but I did
not receive any answer for a very long time. I then saw in two
newspapers, one published in Kent and the other in Yorkshire,
paragraphs stating that it was a most remarkable fact that “the
beans this year had all grown on the wrong side.” So I thought
there must be some foundation for so general a statement.
Accordingly, I went to my gardener, an old Kentish man, and asked
him whether he had heard anything about it, and he answered, “Oh,
no, sir, it must be a mistake, for the beans grow on the wrong
side only on leap-year, and this is not leap-year.” I then asked
him how they grew in common years and how on leap-years, but soon
found that he knew absolutely nothing of how they grew at any
time, but he stuck to his belief.

After a time I heard from my first informant, who, with many
apologies, said that he should not have written to me had he not
heard the statement from several intelligent farmers; but that he
had since spoken again to every one of them, and not one knew in
the least what he had himself meant. So that here a belief–if
indeed a statement with no definite idea attached to it can be
called a belief–had spread over almost the whole of England
without any vestige of evidence.

I have known in the course of my life only three intentionally
falsified statements, and one of these may have been a hoax (and
there have been several scientific hoaxes) which, however, took
in an American Agricultural Journal. It related to the formation
in Holland of a new breed of oxen by the crossing of distinct
species of Bos (some of which I happen to know are sterile
together), and the author had the impudence to state that he had
corresponded with me, and that I had been deeply impressed with
the importance of his result. The article was sent to me by the
editor of an English Agricultural Journal, asking for my opinion
before republishing it.

A second case was an account of several varieties, raised by the
author from several species of Primula, which had spontaneously
yielded a full complement of seed, although the parent plants had
been carefully protected from the access of insects. This
account was published before I had discovered the meaning of
heterostylism, and the whole statement must have been fraudulent,
or there was neglect in excluding insects so gross as to be
scarcely credible.

The third case was more curious: Mr. Huth published in his book
on ‘Consanguineous Marriage’ some long extracts from a Belgian
author, who stated that he had interbred rabbits in the closest
manner for very many generations, without the least injurious
effects. The account was published in a most respectable
Journal, that of the Royal Society of Belgium; but I could not
avoid feeling doubts–I hardly know why, except that there were
no accidents of any kind, and my experience in breeding animals
made me think this very improbable.

So with much hesitation I wrote to Professor Van Beneden, asking
him whether the author was a trustworthy man. I soon heard in
answer that the Society had been greatly shocked by discovering
that the whole account was a fraud. (The falseness of the
published statements on which Mr. Huth relied has been pointed
out by himself in a slip inserted in all the copies of his book
which then remained unsold.) The writer had been publicly
challenged in the Journal to say where he had resided and kept
his large stock of rabbits while carrying on his experiments,
which must have consumed several years, and no answer could be
extracted from him.

My habits are methodical, and this has been of not a little use
for my particular line of work. Lastly, I have had ample leisure
from not having to earn my own bread. Even ill-health, though it
has annihilated several years of my life, has saved me from the
distractions of society and amusement.

Therefore my success as a man of science, whatever this may have
amounted to, has been determined, as far as I can judge, by
complex and diversified mental qualities and conditions. Of
these, the most important have been–the love of science–
unbounded patience in long reflecting over any subject–industry
in observing and collecting facts–and a fair share of invention
as well as of common sense. With such moderate abilities as I
possess, it is truly surprising that I should have influenced to
a considerable extent the belief of scientific men on some
important points.

Effects Of Cross And Self Fertilisation In The Vegetable Kingdom

Chapter VII



Number of species and plants measured.
Tables given.
Preliminary remarks on the offspring of plants crossed by a fresh stock.
Thirteen cases specially considered.
The effects of crossing a self-fertilised plant either by another
self-fertilised plant or by an intercrossed plant of the old stock.
Summary of the results.
Preliminary remarks on the crossed and self-fertilised plants of the
same stock.
The twenty-six exceptional cases considered, in which the crossed plants
did not exceed greatly in height the self-fertilised.
Most of these cases shown not to be real exceptions to the rule that
cross-fertilisation is beneficial.
Summary of results.
Relative weights of the crossed and self-fertilised plants.

The details which have been given under the head of each species are so
numerous and so intricate, that it is necessary to tabulate the results.
In Table 7/A, the number of plants of each kind which were raised from a
cross between two individuals of the same stock and from self-fertilised
seeds, together with their mean or average heights, are given. In the
right hand column, the mean height of the crossed to that of the
self-fertilised plants, the former being taken as 100, is shown. To make
this clear, it may be advisable to give an example. In the first
generation of Ipomoea, six plants derived from a cross between two
plants were measured, and their mean height is 86.00 inches; six plants
derived from flowers on the same parent-plant fertilised with their own
pollen were measured, and their mean height is 65.66 inches. From this
it follows, as shown in the right hand column, that if the mean height
of the crossed plants be taken as 100, that of the self-fertilised
plants is 76. The same plan is followed with all the other species.

The crossed and self-fertilised plants were generally grown in pots in
competition with one another, and always under as closely similar
conditions as could be attained. They were, however, sometimes grown in
separate rows in the open ground. With several of the species, the
crossed plants were again crossed, and the self-fertilised plants again
self-fertilised, and thus successive generations were raised and
measured, as may be seen in Table 7/A. Owing to this manner of
proceeding, the crossed plants became in the later generations more or
less closely inter-related.

Self-fertilisation is thus complex and self-sufficient. This is considered complicated because it happens by itself. This is similar to the auto trading robots that assist in trading, eventually helping us to gain experience by ourselves and master in trading in the long run. Reference various inputs to know more.

In Table 7/B the relative weights of the crossed and self-fertilised
plants, after they had flowered and had been cut down, are given in the
few cases in which they were ascertained. The results are, I think, more
striking and of greater value as evidence of constitutional vigour than
those deduced from the relative heights of the plants.

The most important table is Table 7/C, as it includes the relative
heights, weights, and fertility of plants raised from parents crossed by
a fresh stock (that is, by non-related plants grown under different
conditions), or by a distinct sub-variety, in comparison with
self-fertilised plants, or in a few cases with plants of the same old
stock intercrossed during several generations. The relative fertility of
the plants in this and the other tables will be more fully considered in
a future chapter.

TABLE 7/A. Relative heights of plants from parents crossed with pollen
from other plants of the same stock, and self-fertilised.

Heights of plants measured in inches.

Column 1: Name of Plant.

Column 2: Number of Crossed Plants measured.

Column 3: Average Height of Crossed Plants.

Column 4: Number of Self-fertilised Plants measured.

Column 5: Average Height of Self-fertilised Plants.

Column 6: x, where the ratio of the Average Height of the Crossed to the
Self-fertilised Plants is expressed as 100 to x.

Ipomoea purpurea–first generation:
6 : 86.00 : 6 : 65.66 : 76.

Ipomoea purpurea–second generation:
6 : 84.16 : 6 : 66.33 : 79.

Ipomoea purpurea–third generation:
6 : 77.41 : 6 : 52.83 : 68.

Ipomoea purpurea–fourth generation:
7 : 69.78 : 7 : 60.14 : 86.

Ipomoea purpurea–fifth generation:
6 : 82.54 : 6 : 62.33 : 75.

Ipomoea purpurea–sixth generation:
6 : 87.50 : 6 : 63.16 : 72.

Ipomoea purpurea–seventh generation:
9 : 83.94 : 9 : 68.25 : 81.

Ipomoea purpurea–eighth generation:
8 : 113.25 : 8 : 96.65 : 85.

Ipomoea purpurea–ninth generation:
14 : 81.39 : 14 : 64.07 : 79.

Ipomoea purpurea–tenth generation:
5 : 93.70 : 5 : 50.40 : 54.

Ipomoea purpurea–Number and average height of all the plants of the ten
73 : 85.84 : 73 : 66.02 : 77.

Mimulus luteus–three first generations, before the new and taller
self-fertilised variety appeared:
10 : 8.19 : 10 : 5.29 : 65.

Digitalis purpurea:
16 : 51.33 : 8 : 35.87 : 70.

Calceolaria–(common greenhouse variety):
1 : 19.50 : 1 : 15.00 : 77.

Linaria vulgaris:
3 : 7.08 : 3 : 5.75 : 81.

Verbascum thapsus:
6 : 65.34 : 6 : 56.50 : 86.

Vandellia nummularifolia–crossed and self-fertilised plants, raised
from perfect flowers:
20 : 4.30 : 20 : 4.27 : 99.

Vandellia nummularifolia–crossed and self-fertilised plants, raised
from perfect flowers: second trial, plants crowded:
24 : 3.60 : 24 : 3.38 : 94.

Vandellia nummularifolia–crossed plants raised from perfect flowers,
and self-fertilised plants from cleistogene flowers:
20 : 4.30 : 20 : 4.06 : 94.

Gesneria pendulina:
8 : 32.06 : 8 : 29.14 : 90.

Salvia coccinea:
6 : 27.85 : 6 : 21.16 : 76.

Origanum vulgare:
4 : 20.00 : 4 : 17.12 : 86.

Thunbergia alata:
6 : 60.00 : 6 : 65.00 : 108.

Brassica oleracea:
9 : 41.08 : 9 : 39.00 : 95.

Iberis umbellata–the self-fertilised plants of the third generation:
7 : 19.12 : 7 : 16.39 : 86.

Papaver vagum:
15 : 21.91 : 15 : 19.54 : 89.

Eschscholtzia californica–English stock, first generation:
4 : 29.68 : 4 : 25.56 : 86.

Eschscholtzia californica–English stock, second generation:
11 : 32.47 : 11 : 32.81 : 101.

Eschscholtzia californica–Brazilian stock, first generation:
14 : 44.64 : 14 : 45.12 : 101.

Eschscholtzia californica–Brazilian stock, second generation:
18 : 43.38 : 19 : 50.30 : 116.

Eschscholtzia californica–average height and number of all the plants
of Eschscholtzia:
47 : 40.03 : 48 : 42.72 : 107.

Reseda lutea–grown in pots:
24 : 17.17 : 24 : 14.61 : 85.

Reseda lutea–grown in open ground :
8 : 28.09 : 8 : 23.14 : 82.

Reseda odorata–self-fertilised seeds from a highly self-fertile plant,
grown in pots:
19 : 27.48 : 19 : 22.55 : 82.

Reseda odorata–self-fertilised seeds from a highly self-fertile plant,
grown in open ground:
8 : 25.76 : 8 : 27.09 : 105.

Reseda odorata–self-fertilised seeds from a semi-self-fertile plant,
grown in pots:
20 : 29.98 : 20 : 27.71 : 92.

Reseda odorata–self-fertilised seeds from a semi-self-fertile plant,
grown in open ground:
8 : 25.92 : 8 : 23.54 : 90.

Viola tricolor:
14 : 5.58 : 14 : 2.37 : 42.

Adonis aestivalis:
4 : 14.25 : 4 : 14.31 : 100.

Delphinium consolida:
6 : 14.95 : 6 : 12.50 : 84.

Viscaria oculata:
15 : 34.50 : 15 : 33.55 : 97.

Dianthus caryophyllus–open ground, about :
6?: 28? : 6?: 24? : 86.

Dianthus caryophyllus–second generation, in pots, crowded:
2 : 16.75 : 2 : 9.75 : 58.

Dianthus caryophyllus–third generation, in pots:
8 : 28.39 : 8 : 28.21 : 99.

Dianthus caryophyllus–offspring from plants of the third
self-fertilised generation crossed by intercrossed plants of the third
generation, compared with plants of fourth self-fertilised generation:
15 : 28.00 : 10 : 26.55 : 95.

Dianthus caryophyllus–number and average height of all the plants of
31 : 27.37 : 26 : 25.18 : 92.

Hibiscus africanus:
4 : 13.25 : 4 : 14.43 : 109.

Pelargonium zonale:
7 : 22.35 : 7 : 16.62 : 74.

Tropaeolum minus:
8 : 58.43 : 8 : 46.00 : 79.

Limnanthes douglasii:
16 : 17.46 : 16 : 13.85 : 79.

Lupinus luteus–second generation:
8 : 30.78 : 8 : 25.21 : 82.

Lupinus pilosus–plants of two generations:
2 : 35.50 : 3 : 30.50 : 86.

Phaseolus multiflorus:
5 : 86.00 : 5 : 82.35 : 96.

Pisum sativum:
4 : 34.62 : 4 : 39.68 : 115.

Sarothamnus scoparius–small seedlings:
6 : 2.91 : 6 : 1.33 : 46.

Sarothamnus scoparius–the three survivors on each side after three
years’ growth:
: 18.91 :     : 11.83 : 63.

Ononis minutissima:
2 : 19.81 : 2 : 17.37 : 88.

Clarkia elegans:
4 : 33.50 : 4 : 27.62 : 82.

Bartonia aurea:
8 : 24.62 : 8 : 26.31 : 107.

Passiflora gracilis:
2 : 49.00 : 2 : 51.00 : 104.

Apium petroselinum:
* :        : * :        : 100.
*not measured.

Scabiosa atro-purpurea:
4 : 17.12 : 4 : 15.37 : 90.

Lactuca sativa–plants of two generations:
7 : 19.43 : 6 : 16.00 : 82.

Specularia speculum:
4 : 19.28 : 4 : 18.93 : 98.

Lobelia ramosa–first generation:
4 : 22.25 : 4 : 18.37 : 82.

Lobelia ramosa–second generation:
3 : 23.33 : 3 : 19.00 : 81.

Lobelia fulgens–first generation:
2 : 34.75 : 2 : 44.25 : 127.

Lobelia fulgens–second generation:
23 : 29.82 : 23 : 27.10 : 91.

Nemophila insignis–half-grown:
12 : 11.10 : 12 : 5.45 : 49.

Nemophila insignis–the same fully-grown:
: 33.28 :     : 19.90 : 60.

Borago officinalis:
4 : 20.68 : 4 : 21.18 : 102.

Nolana prostrata:
5 : 12.75 : 5 : 13.40 : 105.

Petunia violacea–first generation:
5 : 30.80 : 5 : 26.00 : 84.

Petunia violacea–second generation:
4 : 40.50 : 6 : 26.25 : 65.

Petunia violacea–third generation:
8 : 40.96 : 8 : 53.87 : 131.

Petunia violacea–fourth generation:
15 : 46.79 : 14 : 32.39 : 69.

Petunia violacea–fourth generation, from a distinct parent:
13 : 44.74 : 13 : 26.87 : 60.

Petunia violacea–fifth generation:
22 : 54.11 : 21 : 33.23 : 61.

Petunia violacea–fifth generation, in open ground:
10 : 38.27 : 10 : 23.31 : 61.

Petunia violacea–Number and average height of all the plants in pots of
67 : 46.53 : 67 : 33.12 : 71.

Nicotiana tabacum–first generation:
4 : 18.50 : 4 : 32.75 : 178.

Nicotiana tabacum–second generation:
9 : 53.84 : 7 : 51.78 : 96.

Nicotiana tabacum–third generation:
7 : 95.25 : 7 : 79.60 : 83.

Nicotiana tabacum–third generation but raised from a distinct plant:
7 : 70.78 : 9 : 71.30 : 101.

Nicotiana tabacum–Number and average height of all the plants of
27 : 63.73 : 27 : 61.31 : 96.

Cyclamen persicum:
8 : 9.49 : 8?: 7.50 : 79.

Anagallis collina:
6 : 42.20 : 6 : 33.35 : 69.

Primula sinensis–a dimorphic species:
8 : 9.01 : 8 : 9.03 : 100.

Fagopyrum esculentum–a dimorphic species:
15 : 38.06 : 15 : 26.13 : 69.

Beta vulgaris–in pots:
8 : 34.09 : 8 : 29.81 : 87.

Beta vulgaris–in open ground:
8 : 30.92 : 8 : 30.70 : 99.

Canna warscewiczi–plants of three generations:
34 : 35.98 : 34 : 36.39 : 101.

Zea mays–in pots, whilst young, measured to tips of leaves:
15 : 20.19 : 15 : 17.57 : 87.

Zea mays–when full-grown, after the death of some, measured to tips of
: 68.10 :     : 62.34 : 91.

Zea mays–when full-grown, after the death of some, measured to tips of
: 66.51 :     : 61.59 : 93.

Zea mays–grown in open ground, measured to tips of leaves:
10 : 54.00 : 10 : 44.55 : 83.

Zea mays–grown in open ground, measured to tips of flowers:
: 53.96 :     : 43.45 : 80.

Phalaris canariensis–in pots.
11 : 38.90 : 11 : 35.69 : 92.

Phalaris canariensis–in open ground:
12 : 35.78 : 12 : 33.50 : 93.

TABLE 7/B.–Relative weights of plants from parents crossed with pollen
from distinct plants of the same stock, and self-fertilised.

Column 1: Names of plants.

Column 2: Number of crossed plants.

Column 3: Number of self-fertilised plants.

Column 4: x, where the ratio of the Weight of the Crossed to the
Self-fertilised Plants is expressed as 100 to x.

Ipomoea purpurea–plants of the tenth generation:
6 : 6 : 44.

Vandellia nummularifolia–first generation:
41 : 41 : 97.

Brassica oleracea–first generation:
9 : 9 : 37.

Eschscholtzia californica–plants of the second generation:
19 : 19 : 118.

Reseda lutea–first generation, grown in pots:
24 : 24 : 21.

Reseda lutea–first generation, grown in open ground:
8 : 8 : 40.

Reseda odorata–first generation, descended from a highly self-fertile
plant, grown in pots:
19 : 19 : 67.

Reseda odorata–first generation, descended from a semi-self-fertile
plant, grown in pots:
20 : 20 : 99.

Dianthus caryophyllus–plants of the third generation:
8 : 8 : 49.

Petunia violacea–plants of the fifth generation, in pots:
22 : 21 : 22.

Petunia violacea–plants of the fifth generation, in open ground:
10 : 10 : 36.

TABLE 7/C.–Relative heights, weights, and fertility of plants from
parents crossed by a fresh stock, and from parents either
self-fertilised or intercrossed with plants of the same stock.

Column 1: Names of the plants and nature of the experiments.

Column 2: Number of plants from a cross with a fresh stock.

Column 3: Average height in inches and weight.

Column 4: Number of the plants from self-fertilised or intercrossed
parents of the same stock.

Column 5: Average height in inches and weight.

Column 4: x, where the ratio of the Height, Weight and Fertility of the
plants from the Cross with a fresh stock is expressed as 100 to x.

Ipomoea purpurea–offspring of plants intercrossed for nine generations
and then crossed by a fresh stock, compared with plants of the tenth
intercrossed generation:
19 : 84.03 : 19 : 65.78 : 78.

Ipomoea purpurea–offspring of plants intercrossed for nine generations
and then crossed by a fresh stock, compared with plants of the tenth
intercrossed generation, in fertility:
.. :     .. : .. :     .. : 51.

Mimulus luteus–offspring of plants self-fertilised for eight
generations and then crossed by a fresh stock, compared with plants of
the ninth self-fertilised generation:
28 : 21.62 : 19 : 10.44 : 52.

Mimulus luteus–offspring of plants self-fertilised for eight
generations and then crossed by a fresh stock, compared with plants of
the ninth self-fertilised generation, in fertility:
.. :     .. : .. :     .. : 3.

Mimulus luteus–offspring of plants self-fertilised for eight
generations and then crossed by a fresh stock, compared with the
offspring of a plant self-fertilised for eight generations, and then
intercrossed with another self-fertilised plant of the same generation:
28 : 21.62 : 27 : 12.20 : 56.

Mimulus luteus–offspring of plants self-fertilised for eight
generations and then crossed by a fresh stock, compared with the
offspring of a plant self-fertilised for eight generations, and then
intercrossed with another self-fertilised plant of the same generation,
in fertility:
.. :     .. : .. :     .. : 4.

Brassica oleracea–offspring of plants self-fertilised for two
generations and then crossed by a fresh stock, compared with plants of
the third self-fertilised generation, by weight:
6 :        :    6 :        : 22.

Iberis umbellata–offspring from English variety crossed by slightly
different Algerine variety, compared with the self-fertilised offspring
of the English variety:
30 : 17.34 : 29 : 15.51 : 89.

Iberis umbellata–offspring from English variety crossed by slightly
different Algerine variety, compared with the self-fertilised offspring
of the English variety, in fertility:
.. :     .. : .. :     .. : 75.

Eschscholtzia californica–offspring of a Brazilian stock crossed by an
English stock, compared with plants of the Brazilian stock of the second
self-fertilised generation:
19 : 45.92 : 19 : 50.30 : 109.

Eschscholtzia californica–offspring of a Brazilian stock crossed by an
English stock, compared with plants of the Brazilian stock of the second
self-fertilised generation, in weight:
.. :     .. : .. :     .. : 118.

Eschscholtzia californica–offspring of a Brazilian stock crossed by an
English stock, compared with plants of the Brazilian stock of the second
self-fertilised generation, in fertility:
.. :     .. : .. :     .. : 40.

Eschscholtzia californica–offspring of a Brazilian stock crossed by an
English stock, compared with plants of the Brazilian stock of the second
intercrossed generation, in height:
19 : 45.92 : 18 : 43.38 : 94.

Eschscholtzia californica–offspring of a Brazilian stock crossed by an
English stock, compared with plants of the Brazilian stock of the second
intercrossed generation, in weight:
.. :     .. : .. :     .. : 100.

Eschscholtzia californica–offspring of a Brazilian stock crossed by an
English stock, compared with plants of the Brazilian stock of the second
intercrossed generation, in fertility:
.. :     .. : .. :     .. : 45.

Dianthus caryophyllus–offspring of plants self-fertilised for three
generations and then crossed by a fresh stock, compared with plants of
the fourth self-fertilised generation:
16 : 32.82 : 10 : 26.55 : 81.

Dianthus caryophyllus–offspring of plants self-fertilised for three
generations and then crossed by a fresh stock, compared with plants of
the fourth self-fertilised generation, in fertility:
.. :     .. : .. :     .. : 33.

Dianthus caryophyllus–offspring of plants self-fertilised for three
generations and then crossed by a fresh stock, compared with the
offspring of plants self-fertilised for three generations and then
crossed by plants of the third intercrossed generation:
16 : 32.82 : 15 : 28.00 : 85.

Dianthus caryophyllus–offspring of plants self-fertilised for three
generations and then crossed by a fresh stock, compared with the
offspring of plants self-fertilised for three generations and then
crossed by plants of the third intercrossed generation, in fertility:
.. :     .. : .. :     .. : 45.

Pisum sativum–offspring from a cross between two closely allied
varieties, compared with the self-fertilised offspring of one of the
varieties, or with intercrossed plants of the same stock:
? :        : ? :        : 60 to 75.

Lathyrus odoratus–offspring from two varieties, differing only in
colour of their flowers, compared with the self-fertilised offspring of
one of the varieties: in first generation:
2 : 79.25 :    2 : 63.75 : 80.

Lathyrus odoratus–offspring from two varieties, differing only in
colour of their flowers, compared with the self-fertilised offspring of
one of the varieties: in second generation:
6 : 62.91 :    6 : 55.31 : 88.

Petunia violacea–offspring of plants self-fertilised for four
generations and then crossed by a fresh stock, compared with plants of
the fifth self-fertilised generation, in height:
21 : 50.05 : 21 : 33.23 : 66.

Petunia violacea–offspring of plants self-fertilised for four
generations and then crossed by a fresh stock, compared with plants of
the fifth self-fertilised generation, in weight:
.. :     .. : .. :     .. : 23.

Petunia violacea–offspring of plants self-fertilised for four
generations and then crossed by a fresh stock, compared with plants of
the fifth self-fertilised generation, grown in open ground, in height:
10 : 36.67 : 10 : 23.31 : 63.

Petunia violacea–offspring of plants self-fertilised for four
generations and then crossed by a fresh stock, compared with plants of
the fifth self-fertilised generation, grown in open ground, in weight:
.. :     .. : .. :     .. : 53.

Petunia violacea–offspring of plants self-fertilised for four
generations and then crossed by a fresh stock, compared with plants of
the fifth self-fertilised generation, grown in open ground, in
.. :     .. : .. :     .. : 46.

Petunia violacea–offspring of plants self-fertilised for four
generations and then crossed by a fresh stock, compared with plants of
the fifth intercrossed generation, in height:
21 : 50.05 : 22 : 54.11 : 108.

Petunia violacea–offspring of plants self-fertilised for four
generations and then crossed by a fresh stock, compared with plants of
the fifth intercrossed generation, in weight:
.. :     .. : .. :     .. : 101.

Petunia violacea–offspring of plants self-fertilised for four
generations and then crossed by a fresh stock, compared with plants of
the fifth intercrossed generation, grown in open ground, in height:
10 : 36.67 : 10 : 38.27 : 104.

Petunia violacea–offspring of plants self-fertilised for four
generations and then crossed by a fresh stock, compared with plants of
the fifth intercrossed generation, grown in open ground, in weight:
.. :     .. : .. :     .. : 146.

Petunia violacea–offspring of plants self-fertilised for four
generations and then crossed by a fresh stock, compared with plants of
the fifth intercrossed generation, grown in open ground, in fertility:
.. :     .. : .. :     .. : 54.

Nicotiana tabacum–offspring of plants self-fertilised for three
generations and then crossed by a slightly different variety, compared
with plants of the fourth self-fertilised generation, grown not much
crowded in pots, in height:
26 : 63.29 : 26 : 41.67 : 66.

Nicotiana tabacum–offspring of plants self-fertilised for three
generations and then crossed by a slightly different variety, compared
with plants of the fourth self-fertilised generation, grown much crowded
in pots, in height:
12 : 31.53 : 12 : 17.21 : 54.

Nicotiana tabacum–offspring of plants self-fertilised for three
generations and then crossed by a slightly different variety, compared
with plants of the fourth self-fertilised generation, grown much crowded
in pots, in weight:
.. :     .. : .. :     .. : 37.

Nicotiana tabacum–offspring of plants self-fertilised for three
generations and then crossed by a slightly different variety, compared
with plants of the fourth self-fertilised generation, grown in open
ground, in height:
20 : 48.74 : 20 : 35.20 : 72.

Nicotiana tabacum–offspring of plants self-fertilised for three
generations and then crossed by a slightly different variety, compared
with plants of the fourth self-fertilised generation, grown in open
ground, in weight:
.. :     .. : .. :     .. : 63.

Anagallis collina–offspring from a red variety crossed by a blue
variety, compared with the self-fertilised offspring of the red variety:
3 : 27.62 :    3 : 18.21 : 66.

Anagallis collina–offspring from a red variety crossed by a blue
variety, compared with the self-fertilised offspring of the red variety,
in fertility:
.. :     .. : .. :     .. : 6.

Primula veris–offspring from long-styled plants of the third
illegitimate generation, crossed by a fresh stock, compared with plants
of the fourth illegitimate and self-fertilised generation:
8 : 7.03 :    8 : 3.21 : 46.

Primula veris–offspring from long-styled plants of the third
illegitimate generation, crossed by a fresh stock, compared with plants
of the fourth illegitimate and self-fertilised generation, in fertility:
.. :     .. : .. :     .. : 5.

Primula veris–offspring from long-styled plants of the third
illegitimate generation, crossed by a fresh stock, compared with plants
of the fourth illegitimate and self-fertilised generation, in fertility
in following year:
.. :     .. : .. :     .. : 3.5.

Primula veris–(equal-styled, red-flowered variety)–offspring from
plants self-fertilised for two generations and then crossed by a
different variety, compared with plants of the third self-fertilised
3 : 8.66 :    3 : 7.33 : 85.

Primula veris–(equal-styled, red-flowered variety)–offspring from
plants self-fertilised for two generations and then crossed by a
different variety, compared with plants of the third self-fertilised
generation, in fertility:
.. :     .. : .. :     .. : 11.

In these three tables the measurements of fifty-seven species, belonging
to fifty-two genera and to thirty great natural families, are given. The
species are natives of various parts of the world. The number of crossed
plants, including those derived from a cross between plants of the same
stock and of two different stocks, amounts to 1,101; and the number of
self-fertilised plants (including a few in Table 7/C derived from a
cross between plants of the same old stock) is 1,076. Their growth was
observed from the germination of the seeds to maturity; and most of them
were measured twice and some thrice. The various precautions taken to
prevent either lot being unduly favoured, have been described in the
introductory chapter. Bearing all these circumstances in mind, it may be
admitted that we have a fair basis for judging of the comparative
effects of cross-fertilisation and of self-fertilisation on the growth
of the offspring.

It will be the most convenient plan first to consider the results given
in Table 7/C, as an opportunity will thus be afforded of incidentally
discussing some important points. If the reader will look down the right
hand column of this table, he will see at a glance what an extraordinary
advantage in height, weight, and fertility the plants derived from a
cross with a fresh stock or with another sub-variety have over the
self-fertilised plants, as well as over the intercrossed plants of the
same old stock. There are only two exceptions to this rule, and these
are hardly real ones. In the case of Eschscholtzia, the advantage is
confined to fertility. In that of Petunia, though the plants derived
from a cross with a fresh stock had an immense superiority in height,
weight, and fertility over the self-fertilised plants, they were
conquered by the intercrossed plants of the same old stock in height and
weight, but not in fertility. It has, however, been shown that the
superiority of these intercrossed plants in height and weight was in all
probability not real; for if the two sets had been allowed to grow for
another month, it is almost certain that those from a cross with the
fresh stock would have been victorious in every way over the
intercrossed plants.

Before we consider in detail the several cases given in Table 7/C, some
preliminary remarks must be made. There is the clearest evidence, as we
shall presently see, that the advantage of a cross depends wholly on the
plants differing somewhat in constitution; and that the disadvantages of
self-fertilisation depend on the two parents, which are combined in the
same hermaphrodite flower, having a closely similar constitution. A
certain amount of differentiation in the sexual elements seems
indispensable for the full fertility of the parents, and for the full
vigour of the offspring. All the individuals of the same species, even
those produced in a state of nature, differ somewhat, though often very
slightly, from one another in external characters and probably in
constitution. This obviously holds good between the varieties of the
same species, as far as external characters are concerned; and much
evidence could be advanced with respect to their generally differing
somewhat in constitution. There can hardly be a doubt that the
differences of all kinds between the individuals and varieties of the
same species depend largely, and as I believe exclusively, on their
progenitors having been subjected to different conditions; though the
conditions to which the individuals of the same species are exposed in a
state of nature often falsely appear to us the same. For instance, the
individuals growing together are necessarily exposed to the same
climate, and they seem to us at first sight to be subjected to
identically the same conditions; but this can hardly be the case, except
under the unusual contingency of each individual being surrounded by
other kinds of plants in exactly the same proportional numbers. For the
surrounding plants absorb different amounts of various substances from
the soil, and thus greatly affect the nourishment and even the life of
the individuals of any particular species. These will also be shaded and
otherwise affected by the nature of the surrounding plants. Moreover,
seeds often lie dormant in the ground, and those which germinate during
any one year will often have been matured during very different seasons.
Seeds are widely dispersed by various means, and some will occasionally
be brought from distant stations, where their parents have grown under
somewhat different conditions, and the plants produced from such seeds
will intercross with the old residents, thus mingling their
constitutional peculiarities in all sorts of proportions.

Plants when first subjected to culture, even in their native country,
cannot fail to be exposed to greatly changed conditions of life, more
especially from growing in cleared ground, and from not having to
compete with many or any surrounding plants. They are thus enabled to
absorb whatever they require which the soil may contain. Fresh seeds are
often brought from distant gardens, where the parent-plants have been
subjected to different conditions. Cultivated plants like those in a
state of nature frequently intercross, and will thus mingle their
constitutional peculiarities. On the other hand, as long as the
individuals of any species are cultivated in the same garden, they will
apparently be subjected to more uniform conditions than plants in a
state of nature, as the individuals have not to compete with various
surrounding species. The seeds sown at the same time in a garden have
generally been matured during the same season and in the same place; and
in this respect they differ much from the seeds sown by the hand of
nature. Some exotic plants are not frequented by the native insects in
their new home, and therefore are not intercrossed; and this appears to
be a highly important factor in the individuals acquiring uniformity of

In my experiments the greatest care was taken that in each generation
all the crossed and self-fertilised plants should be subjected to the
same conditions. Not that the conditions were absolutely the same, for
the more vigorous individuals will have robbed the weaker ones of
nutriment, and likewise of water when the soil in the pots was becoming
dry; and both lots at one end of the pot will have received a little
more light than those at the other end. In the successive generations,
the plants were subjected to somewhat different conditions, for the
seasons necessarily varied, and they were sometimes raised at different
periods of the year. But as they were all kept under glass, they were
exposed to far less abrupt and great changes of temperature and moisture
than are plants growing out of doors. With respect to the intercrossed
plants, their first parents, which were not related, would almost
certainly have differed somewhat in constitution; and such
constitutional peculiarities would be variously mingled in each
succeeding intercrossed generation, being sometimes augmented, but more
commonly neutralised in a greater or less degree, and sometimes revived
through reversion; just as we know to be the case with the external
characters of crossed species and varieties. With the plants which were
self-fertilised during the successive generations, this latter important
source of some diversity of constitution will have been wholly
eliminated; and the sexual elements produced by the same flower must
have been developed under as nearly the same conditions as it is
possible to conceive.

In Table 7/C the crossed plants are the offspring of a cross with a
fresh stock, or with a distinct variety; and they were put into
competition either with self-fertilised plants, or with intercrossed
plants of the same old stock. By the term fresh stock I mean a
non-related plant, the progenitors of which have been raised during some
generations in another garden, and have consequently been exposed to
somewhat different conditions. In the case of Nicotiana, Iberis, the red
variety of Primula, the common Pea, and perhaps Anagallis, the plants
which were crossed may be ranked as distinct varieties or sub-varieties
of the same species; but with Ipomoea, Mimulus, Dianthus, and Petunia,
the plants which were crossed differed exclusively in the tint of their
flowers; and as a large proportion of the plants raised from the same
lot of purchased seeds thus varied, the differences may be estimated as
merely individual. Having made these preliminary remarks, we will now
consider in detail the several cases given in Table 7/C, and they are
well worthy of full consideration.

1. Ipomoea purpurea.

Plants growing in the same pots, and subjected in each generation to the
same conditions, were intercrossed for nine consecutive generations.
These intercrossed plants thus became in the later generations more or
less closely inter-related. Flowers on the plants of the ninth
intercrossed generation were fertilised with pollen taken from a fresh
stock, and seedlings thus raised. Other flowers on the same intercrossed
plants were fertilised with pollen from another intercrossed plant,
producing seedlings of the tenth intercrossed generation. These two sets
of seedlings were grown in competition with one another, and differed
greatly in height and fertility. For the offspring from the cross with a
fresh stock exceeded in height the intercrossed plants in the ratio of
100 to 78; and this is nearly the same excess which the intercrossed had
over the self-fertilised plants in all ten generations taken together,
namely, as 100 to 77. The plants raised from the cross with a fresh
stock were also greatly superior in fertility to the intercrossed,
namely, in the ratio of 100 to 51, as judged by the relative weight of
the seed-capsules produced by an equal number of plants of the two sets,
both having been left to be naturally fertilised. It should be
especially observed that none of the plants of either lot were the
product of self-fertilisation. On the contrary, the intercrossed plants
had certainly been crossed for the last ten generations, and probably,
during all previous generations, as we may infer from the structure of
the flowers and from the frequency of the visits of humble-bees. And so
it will have been with the parent-plants of the fresh stock. The whole
great difference in height and fertility between the two lots must be
attributed to the one being the product of a cross with pollen from a
fresh stock, and the other of a cross between plants of the same old

This species offers another interesting case. In the five first
generations in which intercrossed and self-fertilised plants were put
into competition with one another, every single intercrossed plant beat
its self-fertilised antagonist, except in one instance, in which they
were equal in height. But in the sixth generation a plant appeared,
named by me the Hero, remarkable for its tallness and increased
self-fertility, and which transmitted its characters to the next three
generations. The children of Hero were again self-fertilised, forming
the eighth self-fertilised generation, and were likewise intercrossed
one with another; but this cross between plants which had been subjected
to the same conditions and had been self-fertilised during the seven
previous generations, did not effect the least good; for the
intercrossed grandchildren were actually shorter than the
self-fertilised grandchildren, in the ratio of 100 to 107. We here see
that the mere act of crossing two distinct plants does not by itself
benefit the offspring. This case is almost the converse of that in the
last paragraph, on which the offspring profited so greatly by a cross
with a fresh stock. A similar trial was made with the descendants of
Hero in the following generation, and with the same result. But the
trial cannot be fully trusted, owing to the extremely unhealthy
condition of the plants. Subject to this same serious cause of doubt,
even a cross with a fresh stock did not benefit the great-grandchildren
of Hero; and if this were really the case, it is the greatest anomaly
observed by me in all my experiments.

2. Mimulus luteus.

During the three first generations the intercrossed plants taken
together exceeded in height the self-fertilised taken together, in the
ratio of 100 to 65, and in fertility in a still higher degree. In the
fourth generation a new variety, which grew taller and had whiter and
larger flowers than the old varieties, began to prevail, especially
amongst the self-fertilised plants. This variety transmitted its
characters with remarkable fidelity, so that all the plants in the later
self-fertilised generations belonged to it. These consequently exceeded
the intercrossed plants considerably in height. Thus in the seventh
generation the intercrossed plants were to the self-fertilised in height
as 100 to 137. It is a more remarkable fact that the self-fertilised
plants of the sixth generation had become much more fertile than the
intercrossed plants, judging by the number of capsules spontaneously
produced, in the ratio of 147 to 100. This variety, which as we have
seen appeared amongst the plants of the fourth self-fertilised
generation, resembles in almost all its constitutional peculiarities the
variety called Hero which appeared in the sixth self-fertilised
generation of Ipomoea. No other such case, with the partial exception of
that of Nicotiana, occurred in my experiments, carried on during eleven

Two plants of this variety of Mimulus, belonging to the sixth
self-fertilised generation, and growing in separate pots, were
intercrossed; and some flowers on the same plants were again
self-fertilised. From the seeds thus obtained, plants derived from a
cross between the self-fertilised plants, and others of the seventh
self-fertilised generation, were raised. But this cross did not do the
least good, the intercrossed plants being inferior in height to the
self-fertilised, in the ratio of 100 to 110. This case is exactly
parallel with that given under Ipomoea, of the grandchildren of Hero,
and apparently of its great-grandchildren; for the seedlings raised by
intercrossing these plants were not in any way superior to those of the
corresponding generation raised from the self-fertilised flowers.
Therefore in these several cases the crossing of plants, which had been
self-fertilised for several generations and which had been cultivated
all the time under as nearly as possible the same conditions, was not in
the least beneficial.

Another experiment was now tried. Firstly, plants of the eighth
self-fertilised generation were again self-fertilised, producing plants
of the ninth self-fertilised generation. Secondly, two of the plants of
the eighth self-fertilised generation were intercrossed one with
another, as in the experiment above referred to; but this was now
effected on plants which had been subjected to two additional
generations of self-fertilisation. Thirdly, the same plants of the
eighth self-fertilised generation were crossed with pollen from plants
of a fresh stock brought from a distant garden. Numerous plants were
raised from these three sets of seeds, and grown in competition with one
another. The plants derived from a cross between the self-fertilised
plants exceeded in height by a little the self-fertilised, namely, as
100 to 92; and in fertility in a greater degree, namely, as 100 to 73. I
do not know whether this difference in the result, compared with that in
the previous case, can be accounted for by the increased deterioration
of the self-fertilised plants from two additional generations of
self-fertilisation, and the consequent advantage of any cross whatever,
along merely between the self-fertilised plants. But however this may
be, the effects of crossing the self-fertilised plants of the eighth
generation with a fresh stock were extremely striking; for the seedlings
thus raised were to the self-fertilised of the ninth generation as 100
to 52 in height, and as 100 to 3 in fertility! They were also to the
intercrossed plants (derived from crossing two of the self-fertilised
plants of the eighth generation) in height as 100 to 56, and in
fertility as 100 to 4. Better evidence could hardly be desired of the
potent influence of a cross with a fresh stock on plants which had been
self-fertilised for eight generations, and had been cultivated all the
time under nearly uniform conditions, in comparison with plants
self-fertilised for nine generations continuously, or then once
intercrossed, namely in the last generation.

3. Brassica oleracea.

Some flowers on cabbage plants of the second self-fertilised generation
were crossed with pollen from a plant of the same variety brought from a
distant garden, and other flowers were again self-fertilised. Plants
derived from a cross with a fresh stock and plants of the third
self-fertilised generation were thus raised. The former were to the
self-fertilised in weight as 100 to 22; and this enormous difference
must be attributed in part to the beneficial effects of a cross with a
fresh stock, and in part to the deteriorating effects of
self-fertilisation continued during three generations.

4. Iberis umbellata.

Seedlings from a crimson English variety crossed by a pale-coloured
variety which had been grown for some generations in Algiers, were to
the self-fertilised seedlings from the crimson variety in height as 100
to 89, and as 100 to 75 in fertility. I am surprised that this cross
with another variety did not produce a still more strongly marked
beneficial effect; for some intercrossed plants of the crimson English
variety, put into competition with plants of the same variety
self-fertilised during three generations, were in height as 100 to 86,
and in fertility as 100 to 75. The slightly greater difference in height
in this latter case, may possibly be attributed to the deteriorating
effects of self-fertilisation carried on for two additional generations.

5. Eschscholtzia californica.

This plant offers an almost unique case, inasmuch as the good effects of
a cross are confined to the reproductive system. Intercrossed and
self-fertilised plants of the English stock did not differ in height
(nor in weight, as far as was ascertained) in any constant manner; the
self-fertilised plants usually having the advantage. So it was with the
offspring of plants of the Brazilian stock, tried in the same manner.
The parent-plants, however, of the English stock produced many more
seeds when fertilised with pollen from another plant than when
self-fertilised; and in Brazil the parent-plants were absolutely sterile
unless they were fertilised with pollen from another plant. Intercrossed
seedlings, raised in England from the Brazilian stock, compared with
self-fertilised seedlings of the corresponding second generation,
yielded seeds in number as 100 to 89; both lots of plants being left
freely exposed to the visits of insects. If we now turn to the effects
of crossing plants of the Brazilian stock with pollen from the English
stock,–so that plants which had been long exposed to very different
conditions were intercrossed,–we find that the offspring were, as
before, inferior in height and weight to the plants of the Brazilian
stock after two generations of self-fertilisation, but were superior to
them in the most marked manner in the number of seeds produced, namely,
as 100 to 40; both lots of plants being left freely exposed to the
visits of insects.

In the case of Ipomoea, we have seen that the plants derived from a
cross with a fresh stock were superior in height as 100 to 78, and in
fertility as 100 to 51, to the plants of the old stock, although these
had been intercrossed during the last ten generations. With
Eschscholtzia we have a nearly parallel case, but only as far as
fertility is concerned, for the plants derived from a cross with a fresh
stock were superior in fertility in the ratio of 100 to 45 to the
Brazilian plants, which had been artificially intercrossed in England
for the two last generations, and which must have been naturally
intercrossed by insects during all previous generations in Brazil, where
otherwise they are quite sterile.

6. Dianthus caryophyllus.

Plants self-fertilised for three generations were crossed with pollen
from a fresh stock, and their offspring were grown in competition with
plants of the fourth self-fertilised generation. The crossed plants thus
obtained were to the self-fertilised in height as 100 to 81, and in
fertility (both lots being left to be naturally fertilised by insects)
as 100 to 33.

These same crossed plants were also to the offspring from the plants of
the third generation crossed by the intercrossed plants of the
corresponding generation, in height as 100 to 85, and in fertility as
100 to 45.

We thus see what a great advantage the offspring from a cross with a
fresh stock had, not only over the self-fertilised plants of the fourth
generation, but over the offspring from the self-fertilised plants of
the third generation, when crossed by the intercrossed plants of the old

7. Pisum sativum.

It has been shown under the head of this species, that the several
varieties in this country almost invariably fertilise themselves, owing
to insects rarely visiting the flowers; and as the plants have been long
cultivated under nearly similar conditions, we can understand why a
cross between two individuals of the same variety does not do the least
good to the offspring either in height or fertility. This case is almost
exactly parallel with that of Mimulus, or that of the Ipomoea named
Hero; for in these two instances, crossing plants which had been
self-fertilised for seven generations did not at all benefit the
offspring. On the other hand, a cross between two varieties of the pea
causes a marked superiority in the growth and vigour of the offspring,
over the self-fertilised plants of the same varieties, as shown by two
excellent observers. From my own observations (not made with great care)
the offspring from crossed varieties were to self-fertilised plants in
height, in one case as 100 to about 75, and in a second case as 100 to

8. Lathyrus odoratus.

The sweet-pea is in the same state in regard to self-fertilisation as
the common pea; and we have seen that seedlings from a cross between two
varieties, which differed in no respect except in the colour of their
flowers, were to the self-fertilised seedlings from the same
mother-plant in height as 100 to 80; and in the second generation as 100
to 88. Unfortunately I did not ascertain whether crossing two plants of
the same variety failed to produce any beneficial effect, but I venture
to predict such would be the result.

9. Petunia violacea.

The intercrossed plants of the same stock in four out of the five
successive generations plainly exceeded in height the self-fertilised
plants. The latter in the fourth generation were crossed by a fresh
stock, and the seedlings thus obtained were put into competition with
the self-fertilised plants of the fifth generation. The crossed plants
exceeded the self-fertilised in height in the ratio of 100 to 66, and in
weight as 100 to 23; but this difference, though so great, is not much
greater than that between the intercrossed plants of the same stock in
comparison with the self-fertilised plants of the corresponding
generation. This case, therefore, seems at first sight opposed to the
rule that a cross with a fresh stock is much more beneficial than a
cross between individuals of the same stock. But as with Eschscholtzia,
the reproductive system was here chiefly benefited; for the plants
raised from the cross with the fresh stock were to the self-fertilised
plants in fertility, both lots being naturally fertilised, as 100 to 46,
whereas the intercrossed plants of the same stock were to the
self-fertilised plants of the corresponding fifth generation in
fertility only as 100 to 86.

Although at the time of measurement the plants raised from the cross
with the fresh stock did not exceed in height or weight the intercrossed
plants of the old stock (owing to the growth of the former not having
been completed, as explained under the head of this species), yet they
exceeded the intercrossed plants in fertility in the ratio of 100 to 54.
This fact is interesting, as it shows that plants self-fertilised for
four generations and then crossed by a fresh stock, yielded seedlings
which were nearly twice as fertile as those from plants of the same
stock which had been intercrossed for the five previous generations. We
here see, as with Eschscholtzia and Dianthus, that the mere act of
crossing, independently of the state of the crossed plants, has little
efficacy in giving increased fertility to the offspring. The same
conclusion holds good, as we have already seen, in the analogous cases
of Ipomoea, Mimulus, and Dianthus, with respect to height.

10. Nicotiana tabacum.

My plants were remarkably self-fertile, and the capsules from the
self-fertilised flowers apparently yielded more seeds than those which
were cross-fertilised. No insects were seen to visit the flowers in the
hothouse, and I suspect that the stock on which I experimented had been
raised under glass, and had been self-fertilised during several previous
generations; if so, we can understand why, in the course of three
generations, the crossed seedlings of the same stock did not uniformly
exceed in height the self-fertilised seedlings. But the case is
complicated by individual plants having different constitutions, so that
some of the crossed and self-fertilised seedlings raised at the same
time from the same parents behaved differently. However this may be,
plants raised from self-fertilised plants of the third generation
crossed by a slightly different sub-variety, exceeded greatly in height
and weight the self-fertilised plants of the fourth generation; and the
trial was made on a large scale. They exceeded them in height when grown
in pots, and not much crowded, in the ratio of 100 to 66; and when much
crowded, as 100 to 54. These crossed plants, when thus subjected to
severe competition, also exceeded the self-fertilised in weight in the
ratio of 100 to 37. So it was, but in a less degree (as may be seen in
Table 7/C), when the two lots were grown out of doors and not subjected
to any mutual competition. Nevertheless, strange as is the fact, the
flowers on the mother-plants of the third self-fertilised generation did
not yield more seed when they were crossed with pollen from plants of
the fresh stock than when they were self-fertilised.

11. Anagallis collina.

Plants raised from a red variety crossed by another plant of the same
variety were in height to the self-fertilised plants from the red
variety as 100 to 73. When the flowers on the red variety were
fertilised with pollen from a closely similar blue-flowered variety,
they yielded double the number of seeds to what they did when crossed by
pollen from another individual of the same red variety, and the seeds
were much finer. The plants raised from this cross between the two
varieties were to the self-fertilised seedlings from the red variety, in
height as 100 to 66, and in fertility as 100 to 6.

12. Primula veris.

Some flowers on long-styled plants of the third illegitimate generation
were legitimately crossed with pollen from a fresh stock, and others
were fertilised with their own pollen. From the seeds thus produced
crossed plants, and self-fertilised plants of the fourth illegitimate
generation, were raised. The former were to the latter in height as 100
to 46, and in fertility during one year as 100 to 5, and as 100 to 3.5
during the next year. In this case, however, we have no means of
distinguishing between the evil effects of illegitimate fertilisation
continued during four generations (that is, by pollen of the same form,
but taken from a distinct plant) and strict self-fertilisation. But it
is probable that these two processes do not differ so essentially as at
first appears to be the case. In the following experiment any doubt
arising from illegitimate fertilisation was completely eliminated.

13. Primula veris. (Equal-styled, red-flowered variety.)

Flowers on plants of the second self-fertilised generation were crossed
with pollen from a distinct variety or fresh stock, and others were
again self-fertilised. Crossed plants and plants of the third
self-fertilised generation, all of legitimate origin, were thus raised;
and the former was to the latter in height as 100 to 85, and in
fertility (as judged by the number of capsules produced, together with
the average number of seeds) as 100 to 11.


This table includes the heights and often the weights of 292 plants
derived from a cross with a fresh stock, and of 305 plants, either of
self-fertilised origin, or derived from an intercross between plants of
the same stock. These 597 plants belong to thirteen species and twelve
genera. The various precautions which were taken to ensure a fair
comparison have already been stated. If we now look down the right hand
column, in which the mean height, weight, and fertility of the plants
derived from a cross with a fresh stock are represented by 100, we shall
see by the other figures how wonderfully superior they are both to the
self-fertilised and to the intercrossed plants of the same stock. With
respect to height and weight, there are only two exceptions to the rule,
namely, with Eschscholtzia and Petunia, and the latter is probably no
real exception. Nor do these two species offer an exception in regard to
fertility, for the plants derived from the cross with a fresh stock were
much more fertile than the self-fertilised plants. The difference
between the two sets of plants in the table is generally much greater in
fertility than in height or weight. On the other hand, with some of the
species, as with Nicotiana, there was no difference in fertility between
the two sets, although a great difference in height and weight.
Considering all the cases in this table, there can be no doubt that
plants profit immensely, though in different ways, by a cross with a
fresh stock or with a distinct sub-variety. It cannot be maintained that
the benefit thus derived is due merely to the plants of the fresh stock
being perfectly healthy, whilst those which had been long intercrossed
or self-fertilised had become unhealthy; for in most cases there was no
appearance of such unhealthiness, and we shall see under Table 7/A that
the intercrossed plants of the same stock are generally superior to a
certain extent to the self-fertilised,–both lots having been subjected
to exactly the same conditions and being equally healthy or unhealthy.

We further learn from Table 7/C, that a cross between plants that have
been self-fertilised during several successive generations and kept all
the time under nearly uniform conditions, does not benefit the offspring
in the least or only in a very slight degree. Mimulus and the
descendants of Ipomoea named Hero offer instances of this rule. Again,
plants self-fertilised during several generations profit only to a small
extent by a cross with intercrossed plants of the same stock (as in the
case of Dianthus), in comparison with the effects of a cross by a fresh
stock. Plants of the same stock intercrossed during several generations
(as with Petunia) were inferior in a marked manner in fertility to those
derived from the corresponding self-fertilised plants crossed by a fresh
stock. Lastly, certain plants which are regularly intercrossed by
insects in a state of nature, and which were artificially crossed in
each succeeding generation in the course of my experiments, so that they
can never or most rarely have suffered any evil from self-fertilisation
(as with Eschscholtzia and Ipomoea), nevertheless profited greatly by a
cross with a fresh stock. These several cases taken together show us in
the clearest manner that it is not the mere crossing of any two
individuals which is beneficial to the offspring. The benefit thus
derived depends on the plants which are united differing in some manner,
and there can hardly be a doubt that it is in the constitution or nature
of the sexual elements. Anyhow, it is certain that the differences are
not of an external nature, for two plants which resemble each other as
closely as the individuals of the same species ever do, profit in the
plainest manner when intercrossed, if their progenitors have been
exposed during several generations to different conditions. But to this
latter subject I shall have to recur in a future chapter.


We will now turn to our first table, which relates to crossed and
self-fertilised plants of the same stock. These consist of fifty-four
species belonging to thirty natural orders. The total number of crossed
plants of which measurements are given is 796, and of self-fertilised
809; that is altogether 1,605 plants. Some of the species were
experimented on during several successive generations; and it should be
borne in mind that in such cases the crossed plants in each generation
were crossed with pollen from another crossed plant, and the flowers on
the self-fertilised plants were almost always fertilised with their own
pollen, though sometimes with pollen from other flowers on the same
plant. The crossed plants thus became more or less closely inter-related
in the later generations; and both lots were subjected in each
generation to almost absolutely the same conditions, and to nearly the
same conditions in the successive generations. It would have been a
better plan in some respects if I had always crossed some flowers either
on the self-fertilised or intercrossed plants of each generation with
pollen from a non-related plant, grown under different conditions, as
was done with the plants in Table 7/C; for by this procedure I should
have learnt how much the offspring became deteriorated through continued
self-fertilisation in the successive generations. As the case stands,
the self-fertilised plants of the successive generations in Table 7/A
were put into competition with and compared with intercrossed plants,
which were probably deteriorated in some degree by being more or less
inter-related and grown under similar conditions. Nevertheless, had I
always followed the plan in Table 7/C, I should not have discovered the
important fact that, although a cross between plants which are rather
closely related and which had been subjected to closely similar
conditions, gives during several generations some advantage to the
offspring, yet that after a time they may be intercrossed with no
advantage whatever to the offspring. Nor should I have learnt that the
self-fertilised plants of the later generations might be crossed with
intercrossed plants of the same stock with little or no advantage,
although they profited to an extraordinary degree by a cross with a
fresh stock.

With respect to the greater number of the plants in Table 7/A, nothing
special need here be said; full particulars may be found under the head
of each species by the aid of the Index. The figures in the right-hand
column show the mean height of the self-fertilised plants, that of the
crossed plants with which they competed being represented by 100. No
notice is here taken of the few cases in which crossed and
self-fertilised plants were grown in the open ground, so as not to
compete together. The table includes, as we have seen, plants belonging
to fifty-four species, but as some of these were measured during several
successive generations, there are eighty-three cases in which crossed
and self-fertilised plants were compared. As in each generation the
number of plants which were measured (given in the table) was never very
large and sometimes small, whenever in the right hand column the mean
height of the crossed and self-fertilised plants is the same within five
per cent, their heights may be considered as practically equal. Of such
cases, that is, of self-fertilised plants of which the mean height is
expressed by figures between 95 and 105, there are eighteen.

Coral Reefs

Appendix. 1




In the beginning of the last chapter I stated the principles on which the
map is coloured. There only remains to be said, that it is an exact copy
of one by M. C. Gressier, published by the Depot General de la Marine, in
1835. The names have been altered into English, and the longitude has been
reduced to that of Greenwich. The colours were first laid down on accurate
charts, on a large scale. The data, on which the volcanoes historically
known to have been in action, have been marked with vermillion, were given
in a note to the last chapter. I will commence my description on the
eastern side of the map, and will describe each group of islands
consecutively, proceeding westward across the Pacific and Indian Oceans,
but ending with the West Indies.

The WESTERN SHORES OF AMERICA appear to be entirely without coral-reefs;
south of the equator the survey of the “Beagle”, and north of it, the
published charts show that this is the case. Even in the Bay of PANAMA,
where corals flourish, there are no true coral-reefs, as I have been
informed by Mr. Lloyd. There are no coral-reefs in the GALAPAGOS
Archipelago, as I know from personal inspection; and I believe there are
none on the COCOS, REVILLA-GIGEDO, and other neighbouring islands.
CLIPPERTON rock, 10 deg N., 109 deg W., has lately been surveyed by Captain
Belcher; in form it is like the crater of a volcano. From a drawing
appended to the MS. plan in the Admiralty, it evidently is not an atoll.
The eastern parts of the Pacific present an enormous area, without any
islands, except EASTER, and SALA, and GOMEZ Islands, which do not appear to
be surrounded by reefs.


This group consists of about eighty atolls: it will be quite superfluous
to refer to descriptions of each. In D’Urville and Lottin’s chart, one
island (WOLCHONSKY) is written with a capital letter, signifying, as
explained in a former chapter, that it is a high island; but this must be a
mistake, as the original chart by Bellinghausen shows that it is a true
atoll. Captain Beechey says of the thirty-two groups which he examined (of
the greater number of which I have seen beautiful MS. charts in the
Admiralty), that twenty-nine now contain lagoons, and he believes the other
three originally did. Bellinghausen (see an account of his Russian voyage,
in the “Biblioth. des Voyages,” 1834, page 443) says, that the seventeen
islands which he discovered resembled each other in structure, and he has
given charts on a large scale of all of them. Kotzebue has given plans of
several; Cook and Bligh mention others; a few were seen during the voyage
of the “Beagle”; and notices of other atolls are scattered through several
publications. The ACTAEON group in this archipelago has lately been
discovered (“Geographical Journal”, volume vii., page 454); it consists of
three small and low islets, one of which has a lagoon. Another lagoon-island
has been discovered (“Naut. Mag.” 1839, page 770), in 22 deg 4′ S.,
and 136 deg 20′ W. Towards the S.E. part of the group, there are some
islands of different formation: ELIZABETH Island is described by Beechey
(page 46, 4to edition) as fringed by reefs, at the distance of between two
and three hundred yards; coloured red. PITCAIRN Island, in the immediate
neighbourhood, according to the same authority, has no reefs of any kind,
although numerous pieces of coral are thrown up on the beach; the sea close
to its shore is very deep (see “Zool. of Beechey’s Voyage,” page 164); it
is left uncoloured. GAMBIER Islands (see Plate I., Figure 8), are
encircled by a barrier-reef; the greatest depth within is thirty-eight
fathoms; coloured pale blue. AURORA Island, which lies N.E. of Tahiti
close to the large space coloured dark blue in the map, has been already
described in a note (page 71), on the authority of Mr. Couthouy; it is an
upraised atoll, but as it does not appear to be fringed by living reefs, it
is left uncoloured.

The SOCIETY Archipelago is separated by a narrow space from the Low
Archipelago; and in their parallel direction they manifest some relation to
each other. I have already described the general character of the reefs of
these fine encircled islands. In the “Atlas of the ‘Coquille’s’ Voyage”
there is a good general chart of the group, and separate plans of some of
the islands. TAHITI, the largest island in the group, is almost
surrounded, as seen in Cook’s chart, by a reef from half a mile to a mile
and a half from the shore, with from ten to thirty fathoms within it. Some
considerable submerged reefs lying parallel to the shore, with a broad and
deep space within, have lately been discovered (“Naut. Mag.” 1836, page
264) on the N.E. coast of the island, where none are laid down by Cook. At
EIMEO the reef “which like a ring surrounds it, is in some places one or
two miles distant from the shore, in others united to the beach” (Ellis,
“Polynesian Researches,” volume i., page 18, 12mo edition). Cook found
deep water (twenty fathoms) in some of the harbours within the reef. Mr.
Couthouy, however, states (“Remarks,” page 45) that both at Tahiti and
Eimeo, the space between the barrier-reef and the shore, has been almost
filled up,–“a nearly continuous fringing-reef surrounding the island, and
varying from a few yards to rather more than a mile in width, the lagoons
merely forming canals between this and the sea-reef,” that is the
barrier-reef. TAPAMANOA is surrounded by a reef at a considerable distance
from the shore; from the island being small it is breached, as I am informed
by the Rev. W. Ellis, only by a narrow and crooked boat channel. This is the
lowest island in the group, its height probably not exceeding 500 feet. A
little way north of Tahiti, the low coral-islets of TETUROA are situated;
from the description of them given me by the Rev. J. Williams (the author
of the “Narrative of Missionary Enterprise”), I should have thought they
had formed a small atoll, and likewise from the description given by the
Rev. D. Tyerman and G. Bennett (“Journal of Voyage and Travels,” volume i.,
page 183), who say that ten low coral-islets “are comprehended within one
general reef, and separated from each other by interjacent lagoons;” but as
Mr. Stutchbury (“West of England Journal,” volume i., page 54) describes it
as consisting of a mere narrow ridge, I have left it uncoloured. MAITEA,
eastward of the group, is classed by Forster as a high encircled island;
but from the account given by the Rev. D. Tyerman and G. Bennett (volume
i., page 57) it appears to be an exceedingly abrupt cone, rising from the
sea without any reef; I have left it uncoloured. It would be superfluous
to describe the northern islands in this group, as they may be well seen in
the chart accompanying the 4to edition of Cook’s “Voyages,” and in the
“Atlas of the ‘Coquille’s’ Voyage.” MAURUA is the only one of the northern
islands, in which the water within the reef is not deep, being only four
and a half fathoms; but the great width of the reef, stretching three miles
and a half southward of the land (which is represented in the drawing in
the “Atlas of the ‘Coquille’s’ Voyage” as descending abruptly to the water)
shows, on the principle explained in the beginning of the last chapter,
that it belongs to the barrier class. I may here mention, from information
communicated to me by the Rev. W. Ellis, that on the N.E. side of HUAHEINE
there is a bank of sand, about a quarter of a mile wide, extending parallel
to the shore, and separated from it by an extensive and deep lagoon; this
bank of sand rests on coral-rock, and undoubtedly was originally a living
reef. North of Bolabola lies the atoll of TOUBAI (Motou-iti of the
“‘Coquille’s’ Atlas”) which is coloured dark blue; the other islands,
surrounded by barrier-reefs, are pale blue; three of them are represented
in Figures 3, 4, and 5, in Plate I. There are three low coral-groups lying
a little E. of the Society Archipelago, and almost forming part of it,
namely BELLINGHAUSEN, which is said by Kotzebue (“Second Voyage,” volume
ii., page 255), to be a lagoon-island; MOPEHA, which, from Cook’s
description (“Second Voyage,” book iii., chapter i.), no doubt is an atoll;
and the SCILLY Islands, which are said by Wallis (“Voyage,” chapter ix.) to
form a GROUP of LOW islets and shoals, and, therefore, probably, they
compose an atoll: the two former have been coloured blue, but not the

So, the coral reefs are such superfluous and splendid adding beauty to the sea life. This is just as the varied and flourishing auto trading robots developed for the convenience of investors. Know more about the best, Qprofit System beautifully crafted just like coral reefs in sea.


These islands are entirely without reefs, as may be seen in Krusenstern’s
Atlas, making a remarkable contrast with the adjacent group of the Society
Islands. Mr. F.D. Bennett has given some account of this group, in the
seventh volume of the “Geographical Journal”. He informs me that all the
islands have the same general character, and that the water is very deep
close to their shores. He visited three of them, namely, DOMINICANA,
CHRISTIANA, and ROAPOA; their beaches are strewed with rounded masses of
coral, and although no regular reefs exist, yet the shore is in many places
lined by coral-rock, so that a boat grounds on this formation. Hence these
islands ought probably to come within the class of fringed islands and be
coloured red; but as I am determined to err on the cautious side, I have
left them uncoloured.


PALMERSTON Island is minutely described as an atoll by Captain Cook during
his voyage in 1774; coloured blue. AITUTAKI was partially surveyed by the
“Beagle” (see map accompanying “Voyages of ‘Adventure’ and ‘Beagle'”); the
land is hilly, sloping gently to the beach; the highest point is 360 feet;
on the southern side the reef projects five miles from the land: off this
point the “Beagle” found no bottom with 270 fathoms: the reef is
surmounted by many low coral-islets. Although within the reef the water is
exceedingly shallow, not being more than a few feet deep, as I am informed
by the Rev. J. Williams, nevertheless, from the great extension of this
reef into a profoundly deep ocean, this island probably belongs, on the
principle lately adverted to, to the barrier class, and I have coloured it
pale blue; although with much hesitation.–MANOUAI or HARVEY Island. The
highest point is about fifty feet: the Rev. J. Williams informs me that
the reef here, although it lies far from the shore, is less distant than at
Aitutaki, but the water within the reef is rather deeper: I have also
coloured this pale blue with many doubts.–Round MITIARO Island, as I am
informed by Mr. Williams, the reef is attached to the shore; coloured red.
–MAUKI or Maouti; the reef round this island (under the name of Parry
Island, in the “Voyage of H.M.S. ‘Blonde’,” page 209) is described as a
coral-flat, only fifty yards wide, and two feet under water. This
statement has been corroborated by Mr. Williams, who calls the reef
attached; coloured red.–AITU, or Wateeo; a moderately elevated hilly
island, like the others of this group. The reef is described in Cook’s
“Voyage,” as attached to the shore, and about one hundred yards wide;
coloured red.–FENOUA-ITI; Cook describes this island as very low, not more
than six or seven feet high (volume i., book ii., chapter iii, 1777); in
the chart published in the “‘Coquille’s’ Atlas,” a reef is engraved close
to the shore: this island is not mentioned in the list given by Mr.
Williams (page 16) in the “Narrative of Missionary Enterprise;” nature
doubtful. As it is so near Atiu, it has been unavoidably coloured red.–
RAROTONGA; Mr. Williams informs me that it is a lofty basaltic island with
an attached reef; coloured red.–There are three islands, ROUROUTI,
ROXBURGH, and HULL, of which I have not been able to obtain any account,
and have left them uncoloured. Hull Island, in the French chart, is
written with small letters as being low.–MANGAIA; height about three
hundred feet; “the surrounding reef joins the shore” (Williams,
“Narrative,” page 18); coloured red.–RIMETARA; Mr. Williams informs me
that the reef is rather close to the shore; but, from information given me
by Mr. Ellis, the reef does not appear to be quite so closely attached to
it as in the foregoing cases: the island is about three hundred feet high
(“Naut. Mag.” 1839, page 738); coloured red.–RURUTU; Mr. Williams and Mr.
Ellis inform me that this island has an attached reef; coloured red. It is
described by Cook under the name of Oheteroa: he says it is not
surrounded, like the neighbouring islands by a reef; he must have meant a
distant reef.–TOUBOUAI; in Cook’s chart (“Second Voyage,” volume ii., page
2) the reef is laid down in part one mile, and in part two miles from the
shore. Mr. Ellis (“Polynes. Res.” volume iii., page 381) says the low land
round the base of the island is very extensive; and this gentleman informs
me that the water within the reef appears deep; coloured blue.–RAIVAIVAI,
or Vivitao; Mr. Williams informs me that the reef is here distant: Mr.
Ellis, however, says that this is certainly not the case on one side of the
island; and he believes that the water within the reef is not deep; hence I
have left it uncoloured.–LANCASTER Reef, described in “Naut. Mag.” 1833
(page 693), as an extensive crescent-formed coral-reef. I have not
coloured it.–RAPA, or Oparree; from the accounts given of it by Ellis and
Vancouver, there does not appear to be any reef.–I. DE BASS is an
adjoining island, of which I cannot find any account.–KEMIN Island;
Krusenstern seems hardly to know its position, and gives no further


CAROLINE Island (10 deg S., 150 deg W.) is described by Mr. F.D. Bennett
(“Geographical Journal”, volume vii., page 225) as containing a fine
lagoon; coloured blue.–FLINT Island (11 deg S., 151 deg W.); Krusenstern
believes that it is the same with Peregrino, which is described by Quiros
(Burney’s “Chron. Hist.” volume ii., page 283) as “a cluster of small
islands connected by a reef, and forming a lagoon in the middle;” coloured
blue.–WOSTOCK is an island a little more than half a mile in diameter, and
apparently quite flat and low, and was discovered by Bellinghausen; it is
situated a little west of Caroline Island, but it is not placed on the
French charts; I have not coloured it, although I entertain little doubt
from the chart of Bellinghausen, that it originally contained a small
lagoon.–PENRHYN Island (9 deg S., 158 deg W.); a plan of it in the “Atlas
of the First Voyage” of Kotzebue, shows that it is an atoll; blue.–
SLARBUCK Island (5 deg S., 156 deg W.) is described in Byron’s “Voyage in
the ‘Blonde'” (page 206) as formed of a flat coral-rock, with no trees; the
height not given; not coloured.–MALDEN Island (4 deg S., 154 deg W.); in
the same voyage (page 205) this island is said to be of coral formation,
and no part above forty feet high; I have not ventured to colour it,
although, from being of coral-formation, it is probably fringed; in which
case it should be red.–JARVIS, or BUNKER Island (0 deg 20′ S., 160 deg W.)
is described by Mr. F.D. Bennett (“Geographical Journal”, volume vii., page
227) as a narrow, low strip of coral-formation; not coloured.–BROOK, is a
small low island between the two latter; the position, and perhaps even the
existence of it is doubtful; not coloured.–PESCADO and HUMPHREY Islands; I
can find out nothing about these islands, except that the latter appears to
be small and low; not coloured.–REARSON, or Grand Duke Alexander’s (10 S.,
161 deg W.); an atoll, of which a plan is given by Bellinghausen; blue.–
SOUVOROFF Islands (13 deg S., 163 deg W.); Admiral Krusenstern, in the most
obliging manner, obtained for me an account of these islands from Admiral
Lazareff, who discovered them. They consist of five very low islands of
coral-formation, two of which are connected by a reef, with deep water
close to it. They do not surround a lagoon, but are so placed that a line
drawn through them includes an oval space, part of which is shallow; these
islets, therefore, probably once (as is the case with some of the islands
in the Caroline Archipelago) formed a single atoll; but I have not coloured
them.–DANGER Island (10 deg S., 166 deg W.); described as low by Commodore
Byron, and more lately surveyed by Bellinghausen; it is a small atoll with
three islets on it; blue.–CLARENCE Island (9 deg S., 172 deg W.);
discovered in the “Pandora” (G. Hamilton’s “Voyage,” page 75): it is said,
“in running along the land, we saw several canoes crossing the LAGOONS;” as
this island is in the close vicinity of other low islands, and as it is
said, that the natives make reservoirs of water in old cocoa-nut trees
(which shows the nature of the land), I have no doubt it is an atoll, and
have coloured it blue. YORK Island (8 deg S., 172 deg W.) is described by
Commodore Byron (chapter x. of his “Voyage”) as an atoll; blue.–SYDNEY
Island (4 deg S., 172 deg W.) is about three miles in diameter, with its
interior occupied by a lagoon (Captain Tromelin, “Annal. Marit.” 1829, page
297); blue.–PHOENIX Island (4 deg S., 171 deg W.) is nearly circular, low,
sandy, not more than two miles in diameter, and very steep outside
(Tromelin, “Annal. Marit.” 1829, page 297); it may be inferred that this
island originally contained a lagoon, but I have not coloured it.–NEW
NANTUCKET (0 deg 15’ N., 174 deg W.). From the French chart it must be a
low island; I can find nothing more about it or about MARY Island; both
uncoloured.–GARDNER Island (5 deg S., 174 deg W.) from its position is
certainly the same as KEMIN Island described (Krusenstern, page 435, Appen.
to Mem., published 1827) as having a lagoon in its centre; blue.


CHRISTMAS Island (2 deg N., 157 deg W.). Captain Cook, in his “Third
Voyage” (Volume ii., chapter x.), has given a detailed account of this
atoll. The breadth of the islets on the reef is unusually great, and the
sea near it does not deepen so suddenly as is generally the case. It has
more lately been visited by Mr. F.D. Bennett (“Geographical Journal,”
volume vii., page 226); and he assures me that it is low and of
coral-formation: I particularly mention this, because it is engraved with a
capital letter, signifying a high island, in D’Urville and Lottin’s chart.
Mr. Couthouy, also, has given some account of it (“Remarks,” page 46) from
the Hawaiian “Spectator”; he believes it has lately undergone a small
elevation, but his evidence does not appear to me satisfactory; the deepest
part of the lagoon is said to be only ten feet; nevertheless, I have
coloured it blue.–FANNING Island (4 deg N., 158 deg W.) according to
Captain Tromelin (“Ann. Maritim.” 1829, page 283), is an atoll: his
account as observed by Krusenstern, differs from that given in Fanning’s
“Voyage” (page 224), which, however, is far from clear; coloured blue.–
WASHINGTON Island (4 deg N., 159 deg W.) is engraved as a low island in
D’Urville’s chart, but is described by Fanning (page 226) as having a much
greater elevation than Fanning Island, and hence I presume it is not an
atoll; not coloured.–PALMYRA Island (6 deg N., 162 deg W.) is an atoll
divided into two parts (Krusenstern’s “Mem. Suppl.” page 50, also Fanning’s
“Voyage,” page 233); blue.–SMYTH’S or Johnston’s Islands (17 deg N., 170
deg W.). Captain Smyth, R.N., has had the kindness to inform me that they
consist of two very low, small islands, with a dangerous reef off the east
end of them. Captain Smyth does not recollect whether these islets,
together with the reef, surrounded a lagoon; uncoloured.

Charles Darwin Pictures









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